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The propagandists’ arguments, opinions and viewpoints for changing Section 25 (2)(b) of the South African Constitution (6)

Full title: The propagandists arguments, opinions and viewpoints for changing Section 25 (2)(b) of the South African Constitution to make land redistribution without compensation possible. Part 2: Age-old injustice and discriminative White political and socio-economic system (6)

Gabriel P Louw

iD orcid.org/0000-0002-6190-8093

Research Associate, Focus Area Social Transformation, Faculty of Humanities, Potchefstroom Campus of the North-West University, South Africa (Author and Researcher: Health, History and Politics).

Corresponding Author:

Prof. Dr. GP Louw; MA (UNISA), PhD (PUCHE), DPhil (PUCHE), PhD (NWU)

Email: profgplouw@gmail.com

Keywords: age-old injustice, arguments, constitution, discrimination, injustice, land redistribution, opinions, political and socio-economic system, propagandists, viewpoints, without compensation

Ensovoort, volume 40 (2019), number 2: 4

1. Background

1.1. Introduction

In a world deluged by irrelevant information,” writes Yuval Noah Harari, “clarity is power.”1

When a writer accepts the responsibility to record the political histories of persons or groups, objectivity, honesty and dedication to these persons’ and groups’ interests and courses, are absolute pre-requirements. He/she must gather relevant information at all times to give clarity. Existential observing of their past and present behavior, planning, thinking and action are the only paths to get entrance into these persons’ and groups’ mindsets and to “reprint” in writing their “assumed” cognitions of their past, present and future. The study of the antagonists and propagandists arguments, opinions and viewpoints on the subject of land expropriation without compensation, and the politics surrounding it, are immense challenges. Prominent here are the need to align opposing thinking, planning and action on the land matter, bringing us to a kind of finality to reach conclusions and to be able to make a dictum. The presence of two kinds of evidence, completely opposing each other, is evident here: facts and truths versus lies and myths. If the researcher fails to make clear what is truly fact and truth and thus to erase from the arguments, opinions and viewpoints of the antagonists or the propagandists lies and myths, a matter such as true land ownership becomes contaminated and ends in false claims.1,2

The intention with this research is to offer firstly the antagonists the opportunity to present their arguments, opinions and viewpoints (see Articles 3 and 4) as to why land expropriation is not acceptable, and thus that the land ownership at present with the Whites as the majority owners must continue. However, the propagandists’ arguments, opinions and viewpoints offered so far (see Article 5) demonstrate that the antagonists’ arguments, opinions and viewpoints, as offered in Articles 3 and 4, are many times in terms of the historian and philosopher Yuval Noah Harari’s prescription of only true information and clarity to be able to gain empowerment, are in fact falsities.1,2

In this article (Number 6), the antagonists’ arguments, opinions and viewpoints will further be tested in terms of the requirements prescribed to be fact and truth, and thus to be relevant information which is powerful or not, as measured in terms of the counter arguments, opinions and viewpoints of the propagandists.

How much a researcher/writer is trying to penetrate the mindsets of other persons, to be able to report on their internal, deeper thoughts, remains a personal “revelation”, and an escaping ideal forever for the researcher/writer. What energies motivate and drive the individual in his/her daily life, is mostly a black secret he/she frequently fails to understand and to describe. This and the previous Article 5 (as well as in articles 3 and 4 with the focus upon the antagonists), reflects pertinently upon the propagandists’ arguments, opinions and viewpoints on their reasons to activate so-called “land grabbing”. This forces the writer to note and to report primarily upon the negativities experienced during their political history by the propagandists, in order to have internalised and formed their mindsets, activating their hope for a better future which has developed with time. In the creation and internalisation of this mindset, religion has undoubtedly played a prominent part in South Africa from 1652 with the advent of Christianity. In reference to our political history, the all-encompassing dominant role which Christianity plays in the country needs to be highlighted – not only to drive specific behavior, but to provide certain hope and planning in times of suffering and crisis, notwithstanding the short or the long term.3-7

Since Christianity was accepted long ago by the Blacks to make them today the majority of Christians in South Africa, with strong religious empowerment as well as devotion, they started not only to believe that their Christian God (the same God as the Whites’ Christian God) would bring a long term salvation for a life in the Hereafter, but also to believe, right or wrong, in a short term earthly salvation through him and Christianity. The Blacks’ devoted worship of God and his assumed love for them, bound over many years into their earthly salvation through constructive politics, gave them hope for the eradication of their immense suppression and exploitation by Whites. However, there is little evidence that an anointed outcome reached them after “White” Christianity came into their lives: it became a White Christianity versus a Black Christianity, seemingly steering the Christian God’s love or hate in a certain direction. The Blacks sincere religious hope for an “earthly salvation” was crushed in 1910 with the founding of the Union. Hope and religion can become outright failures when the individual believer has no control or say over it. This makes the experience of a relationship between religion and politics, as well as a “God-intervention and interference” with politics (and thus an afterlife salvation versus an earthly salvation), very doubtfuly. For many Blacks this was and still is undoubtedly the experience.1-3,5,7-12

In the late 1970s there was renewed hope of a better political dispensation for Blacks, specifically with the NP regime’s revision of the Constitution, and thus the flickering of the beginning at last of an “earthly salvation” through a “God’s intervention and interference and thus for them to at last be unchained from “Black slavery” in South Africa.5,13 Boot-Siertsema and Boot13 write in 1982 with great enthusiasm about that late 1970s seemingly positive political non-racial development inside the NP regime with a kind of God’s “hand” present, as follows13:394:

Wij moeten aanvaarden dat de nieuwe grondwetsherziening definitief een eind zal maken aan het exclusieve concept van een Blank Zuid-Afrika. Inplaats van de traditionele stijl van politiek paternalisme, zal er een nieuwe stijl ontstaan van consultatie, onderhandelen en consensus tussen gelijkwaardige partijen. Het toepassen van deze nieuwe stijl zal een zware tol eisen van het geduld en de tact van de Afrikaner. Inplaats van zelfbescherming, die tot dusver door de wet en door het ingrijpen van de staat werd verleend, aanvaarden wij dat ons bestaan in de toekomst veel minder zeker zal zijn en zelfs risico’s met zich mee zal brengen. Er zal veel meer gaan afhangen van eigen inzet en bekwaamheid. Hieruit spreekt een bereidheid tot persoonlijke offers van de zijde van de regering, waarin idealisme en realisme hand in hand gaan, een bereidheid zich tot het uiterste in te spannen voor een nieuwe bedéling voor Blank en Zwart waarin beiden kunnen overleven, en een bereidheid om daarbij risico’s te nemen die ook zij in Gods hand geeft.

But South Africa’s politics failed the hopes of positivists like Boot-Siertsema and Boot, and of course many Christian Blacks in the presence of their Christian God. In the early1980s there was nothing positive in the post for the Blacks: their politics were still run extremely by the Whites without consultation, negotiation and consensus with them on their immediate or long term socio-economic and political interests. Also was there not a single drop of White offering to the impoverished Blacks to help and uplift them, like the transfer of White land and wealth to uplift their poverty, inequality, unemployment and landlessness. Most of all, Apartheid was further, after the 1980s, practiced in its extreme form. Hope and the Christian religion did not, it seems, work for the Blacks to better their socio-economics. All that seems to play out in the 1980s was that the Blacks were forced, as so many other times in the past in terms of their Christian sincerity, to desperately believe again solely in God for future help against Apartheid’s wrongdoings. In 1994, with the political dispensation, this failure of the good relationship between hope and religion replays and stays on with the Blacks (propagandists) up to 2019.5,7-9

Efforts by positivists like Boot-Siertsema and Boot13 to re-steer in the 1980s the Blacks with “good” Christian religion back into short term hope of an earthly escape from their immense suppression and exploitation by Whites, started to fail fast. Even the Apostle Jacob’s “heavenly help” seemed to be of no real “holy” value or impact to lessen the socio-economic and political suffering of Blacks after the 1980s. Boot-Siertsema and Boot posit13:395:

Wij mogen niets goed praten van wat verkeerd is. Maar ten aanzien van de Zuid-Afrikaanse situatie mogen we elkaar wel wijzen op het klemmende woord van de apostel Jacobus: “Gerechtigheid groeit waar vrede is, en wie vrede zaait, zal gerechtigheid oogsten”.

For the Blacks the difference between a “White Christianity” and a “Black Christianity” wherein their Christian God it seems was and is on the side of the Whites became obvious with time. This “god-choice” of Whites above Blacks in their early lot, is still echoed today by prominent Black leaders pointing out the seeming anointment of the “White god-sweetheart” Voortrekker Gen Piet Joubert (hero of the Boers’ First War of Liberation against the British and deputy to Paul Kruger of the ZAR), to allow him and his men to murder and cut off the head of the Black nationalist Kgoši Makgoba (the leader of the clan baTlou of Makgoba), to be able to grab the Makgoba’s land. Joubert, when he received the head of Magoba as evidence of his termination, after keenly attending Sunday church, filled with great “White god-love” and a seemingly “god-selectiveness”, said to his Christian God with joyousness14:21: “The Lord reigns, and I am his servant”.

But this “Christian capturing” did not stop in 1994 with exclusively White orientation. The post-1994 new age political empowerment – which was also many times driven through “sincere and pure Black religion”, aimed to free Blacks from the ongoing chains of Apartheid and to bring them at last an earthly salvation – changed to a Black orientation. It again held the same suppression and exploitation as the pre-1994 dispensation, although offered now in another potpourri. This time delinquent Black leaders and figures, most prominently Jacob Zuma, stand out in their wave of evangelical churches to steer South Africa to improvement.15 The emphasis, under the pre-1994 White suppression, is again “Christianity”: but this time openly “Black Christianity”, characterised by the same delinquency. Munusamy15:16 writes: “Zuma recognises the enormous influence of religious leaders…”, and “…knows the mainstream churches played a major role in swinging public sentiment…”.

The new Black churches associated with Zuma not only drew large congregations and influenced peoples’ political thinking and action, but were indeed active in big business enterprises funding political ideologies like that of Zuma. Politics became religion and religion politics in this Christian Black movement. In post-2016, political parties become churches, and churches become political parties without any hope of distinguishing between them. Munusamy15 guides15:16: “But the pull of these new political parties, rooted in evangelical and messianic churches with huge followings, should not be underestimated.” In this context it is important to note that Zuma shored up support from these Black churches, even continuously attending huge church gatherings. What they said and what Zuma said, were exactly the same15:16: “The messages from the church leaders was overtly political – whipping up the radical economic transformation rhetoric and fostering antagonism against “white monopoly capital” and its supposed defenders”. Furthermore, on religious parties cum political churches and the Zuma confusion and contamination connection as cum politician cum priest therein, Munusamy reports15:16: “The orbit of new political parties around former president Jacob Zuma is a noteworthy phenomenon …”, and15:16: “Zuma is the nexus of this phenomenon and very far from the pope’s definition of a ‘good politician’.”

In these religious gatherings around the present so-called “Christian” empowerment of Zuma for the coming election and his undermining of the ANC (and Ramaphosa) and South Africa as a whole, are undoubtedly his many religious manipulating “Christian” cronies, like the African Transformation of Mzwanele, the SA Council of Messianic Churches in Christ, made up by the Twelve Apostles Church in Christ, the Bantu Church of Christ, the Zion Christian Church and a faction of the Shembe Church, with another Zuma fervent supporter Bishop Timothy Ngcobo of the African Freedom Revolution and the seemingly self-immolate “Buddhist monk” Mzwanele Manyi and his African Transformation Movement, writes Rumasamy15. About these priest cum politicians, with Zuma standing central, Munusamy15 posits15:16: “We should not for a second believe that the religious leaders transfiguring into politicians here are doing so for virtuous purposes, or that having preacher men in parliament will elevate our politics.”

There is only one mass group that is going to lose again in a long awaited “god-intervention and interference” – and miss out also on a kind of “god’s anointment” — and this is the pre-1994 and the post-1994 mass of poor and landless Blacks.

For many Black propagandists there is undoubtedly today, after so many years of political suffering at the hands of Whites, and notwithstanding the Blacks’ sincerity as Christians, not much belief left of the existence of a biblical justice and peace for Blacks. It does not matter if this “Christian savior” is Black or White, and if Zuma is the big “Christian savior” and seems to be in contact with Jesus. Solutions to their problems need a non-religious approach, totally free from falsities, crookery, populism and emotion. This non-religious approach, according to the propagandists, is also applicable to the present land matter. There is only one solution to get the mass of poor and landless Blacks out of their chaos and to rectify the discrimination, and that is action and deed like legislation and the Constitution, as determined and driven by the majority. In this process, which can include various actions to uplift the poor, the expropriation of land without compensation when needed from Whites is central. The whole process needs to be free from the asking by the ANC regime and the poor Blacks, as in the past, for “Higher intervention and interference” to make it workable (besides of course Zuma’s religion politics to obtain votes for his selfish and opportunistic needs and intentions). The process has the intention of going against the religious concepts of goodness, honesty, sincerity, even so-called Christian salvation: pure political action, with all its risks, is the driver in the planning, thinking and action around land expropriation.15-18

Many propagandists are undoubtedly today with good reason skeptical as to whether the benefits of the intended land expropriation initiative will be fully delivered. For them there are too many antagonists of the kind of the religious Piet Joubert left in South African politics, and the crooks of the Christian Zuma, all still “schizophrenically anointed” by their “Christian god-empowerment”, to be able to sabotage the poor and landless Blacks’ ownership of land and their right to be farmers. The manipulated and fraudulent 1994 political dispensation, which left the mass of Blacks in the cold to date, and wherein Black and White religious leaders of the Christian faith played a prominent role in their efforts to coax the unsatisfied and socio-economically and emotionally hurt Blacks into a Christian political acceptance (within an Afterlife salvation with its later benefits and privileges to come), is still fresh in the mindsets of the propagandists.15-19

For the propagandists, there is a stern warning in the words of Motsoko Pheko when he says19:10: “’Western Christian civilisation’ was, in fact, colonial terrorism”. The correct credo would be: “African Christianity is many times in fact also Black suppression which is repeated over and over”.15,19

In addition of course are there also just too many so-called Christian inspired humanists active in present day politics, like Boot-Siertsema and Boot13, who still do not understand fully the cruel realities and dishonesty of South African politics, or what Yuval Noah Harari1,2 really means when he writes1:61: “[political] clarity is power.”

General Bantu Holomisa20, MP and the President of the United Democratic Movement, is possibly the nearest to reality and a solution to approach the current land expropriation matter, totally free from religion as well as political unattached when he says20:18:

We, the people, must take back the promise of 1994. We are not Zulu or Venda, men or women. We are not Catholic or Zionist, Indian or Coloured. We are not gay or straight, clever or stupid. For if we are, we are lost. We are South Africans. Period. Rise not to this reality and we are lost indeed.

For the ANC regime is it undoubtedly clear that the Blacks’ many, many calls over centuries to the higher power and their hope for some anointed Help from There to bring a justified South African society where poverty, inequality, unemployment and most of all landlessness are absent or limited, is wishful thinking: constructive political action, based upon own sound cognitive reasoning, thinking, planning and action, cutting out any assistance from “Up”, is the only way out. This approach is for the propagandists the only solution to the present land ownership matter. What is of further absolute importanceis: this action must now be activated. Cyril Ramaphosa is central to this issue.

The propagandists feel there is only one clear path left to them – as already done by them in Article 5 — and that is to show again with this article (Number 6) that the antagonists’ arrogant arguments, opinions and viewpoints offered in Articles 3 and 4 are all lies and myths. For the propagandists, the antagonists’ arguments, opinions and viewpoints are irrelevant information, lacking any empowerment to obstruct land expropriation without compensation.

1.2. Short overview of White socio-economic and political empowerment, discrimination and domination

The propagandists’ counter arguments, opinions and viewpoints in the previous article (Number 5) against those of the antagonists (Articles 3 and 4) reflect a broad identification of the elements and role-players alleged by the propagandists to be active and/or established in the White injustice and discriminating political and socio-economic system of South Africa, coming from 1652, which led to the poverty, unemployment, inequality and landlessness of a mass of Blacks and which directly obstructed the 1994 political dispensation to better the lives of Blacks. These elements’ and role-players’ negativism, internalised into the mindsets of the broad public by the antagonists with their fake news and data, has so far blocked the change to Section 25 to expropriate land without compensation. The propagandists allege that much of the delinquent political thinking and action, characterising the antagonistic Whites mindsets are wanton cognitions created over decades through White socio-economic and political empowerment, discrimination and domination of Blacks. Examples of these wanton cognitions are for instance the antagonists’ rigid underwriting and preaching of the goodness of exclusive capitalism, their outright support for White corrupt business and financial capitalistic bullies, their exclusive underwriting of pro-Western political ideologies, their opposing of free political and economical world associations by the ANC regime, their obstruction of the introduction of inclusive/social capitalism, their anti-Black orientations in the country’s politics and their ongoing execution of White psychopathology politics. These elements and role-players as negative determinants, form part in this research of the propagandists’ presentation, to be understood and to be unmasked, to persuade the voters to give their permission for the change of Section 25 to expropriate land without compensation.5-12

The opinion of the researcher is that only through such a comprehensive presentation of primary as well as secondary negative determinants in the case of the propagandists, in their opposing and their taking of the antagonists’ case in the present “informal court”, can the case be evaluated with justice and with balance. Indeed, a comprehensive open-door presentation was already granted to the antagonists in the previous Articles 3 and 4.

1.3. Research intentions

The research aim of this article is to evaluate and to describe in-depth and comprehensively what the propagandists believe are the hostile elements and role-players obstructing change to Section 25 to expropriate land without compensation. The drivers and needs for an immediate change to Section 25 and the awarding of the legal right to the ANC regime to expropriate land without compensation to empower the poor and landless Blacks, are for the propagandists actions required to neutralise the age-old White injustice and discriminative political and socio-economic system of South Africa, which makes the post-1994 political dispensation dysfunctional. Racial discrimination, coming from so far back as 1652, forms the basis for this negative setup.5,7-12

The opposing by the propagandists of the antagonists’ arguments, opinions and viewpoints against their changing of Section 25 (2)(b) of the South African Constitution, as well as the antagonists’ opposition to the ANC regime being able to effect land redistribution without compensation, is central to this research.

This article (Number 6) forms the final part of the two part article, entitled: “The propagandists’ arguments, opinions and viewpoints for changing Section 25 (2)(b) of the South African Constitution to be able to effect land redistribution without compensation”. The article will further describe and evaluate in-depth and comprehensively what the propagandists believe are the White injustices and discriminative elements and role-players making the post-1994 political dispensation’s political and socio-economic system of South Africa dysfunctional. It is only by such a comprehensive presentation that a reflection of the propagandists’ civil rights, to be able to change the Constitution in its present form and to effect land expropriation, can be made.

The presentation of the various elements and role-players in this article will be done in eleven subdivisions.

2. Method

The research was done by means of a literature review. This method has the aim of building a viewpoint from the available evidence as the research develops. This approach is used in modern political historical research where there is a lack of an established body of research on the ownership of South African land for the period 1652 to 2019 in South Africa. The sources include books for the period 1945 to 2018, articles between 2018 and 2019 and newspapers for the period 2017 to 2019. These sources were consulted in order to evaluate and to describe the current arguments, opinions and viewpoints of the propagandists for the change of Section 25(2)(b) of the Constitution to effect land expropriation without compensation.

The research findings are presented in narrative form.

3. Discussion

3.1. The pre-1994 White injustice and discriminating political and socio-economic system of South Africa (Continuation of Article Five)

The propagandists’ counter arguments, opinions and viewpoints against those of the antagonists (see previous Articles 3 and 4) reflect a broad identification of the elements and role-players alleged by the propagandists to be active and/or established in White injustice and the discriminating political and socio-economic system of South Africa, coming from 1652, which led to the poverty, unemployment, inequality and landlessness of masses of Blacks and which obstructed the 1994 political pispensation from bettering the lives of Blacks. These elements and role-players began to be identified and described in depth already in Article 5, entitled: “The propagandists arguments, opinions and viewpoints for changing Section 25 (2)(b) of the South African Constitution to effect land-redistribution without compensation: Part One” and will be continued in this article.

The abovementioned as well as many other secondary determinants form part of the focus in this research of the propagandists’ presentation. The immediate intention is to unmask, to analyse and to describe all of these negative determinants, in order to make it better understood by the general public and to persuade the voters to give their permission for the changing of Section 25 to effect land expropriation without compensation. The opinion of the researcher is that only through such a comprehensive presentation of primary as well as secondary determinants, can the case of the propagandists, in their opposition of the antagonists’ case in the present “informal court”, be evaluated with justice and with balance.

3.2. Myths, lies and fables fabricated by the antagonists to obstruct the intended land expropriation (Continuation of Article Five)

The propagandists postulate that the antagonists have mastered the ability to turn myths, lies and fables into facts and truths in the mindsets of the general public, through their constant attacks upon the government’s genuine efforts to assure political stability in the country in terms of their planned land transformation. Prominent for the propagandists are the antagonists’ constant misuse of the public media to nationally and internationally falsely portray the ANC regime as radical and Marxist driven, and as a revolutionary party with the sole intention of nationalising all private property and assets. A further untruth for the propagandists is the publically false reflection by the antagonists of an overall hostility by the ANC and Blacks against the Whites and a rejection by the ANC and the Blacks of Whites as indigenous South Africans. Constructive and positive efforts by the ANC to better the relationship between Blacks and Whites are denounced by the antagonists and mostly cold shouldered. For the propagandists in this continuing creation of conflict, is the destructive behavior of the so-called rescuers and saviors of the Afrikaners/Whites with their organised wanton, fake and false news. Many of these so-called rescuers and saviors’ histories reflect an adverse political setup of racism and the focused obstruction of Black rule since 1994.5-7,21-27

3.2.1. Is Cyril Ramaphosa a White land grabber and an anti-White collaborator?

A point of strong criticism against the antagonists and their lack of understanding of the post-1994 South African politics is for the propagandists their accusing without proof of Cyril Ramaphosa to be a Zuma collaborator in state capture and in the country’s mismanagement during the Zuma regime.

In this context the antagonists portray him specifically as a politician who is going to bring further misery to South Africans in general and to Whites specifically with his so-called “all-out land grabbing approach”. The antagonists accuse him to be a passive ANC member and later as vice-president as a primary collaborator in Jacob Zuma’s many wrongdoings. Then there is also the criticism that Ramaphosa is allegedly influenced and steered by the politically uncontrolled Julius Malema in his decision making, especially on the land issue, making Ramaphosa a political risk par excellence.28-36 The political integrity of Cyril Ramaphosa in perspective

Looking comprehensively at the political literature, the critics of Ramaphosa are numerous. But, after scrutinising these criticisms, is it also clear that much of the literature is activated by antagonists, emotional and flooded with false allegations, as well as arguments, opinions and views which are lacking any evidence or fact. There are many superficial “statements” or vague “generalisations” compiled by the antagonists, questioning Ramaphosa’s so-called “political intentions and actions”, showing the antagonists’ lack of evidence. When these political (and sometimes personal) “statements” and “generalisations” are further analysed, they show malicious intent against him as a person, which would not be tolerated if he was just a ordinary citizen and could activate slander and libel actions against these false accusations. But the fact that he is in the middle of the ANC’s politics and is the President of South Africa – both positions which activate political controversy and the pouring down of crude and rugged political allegations and acts by his direct and indirect political opposition – leaves him in an invidious position where he cannot really can defend himself. In the present politics of the country, the antagonists get away with extreme false allegations and delinquent actions against him, making the lies and myths of the antagonists look like truths.28-36

Firstly, it is clear that the antagonists are misleading for politically opportunistic and malicious reasons the public upon the primary aims of Ramaphosa’s future for South Africa. Prominent in this malicious action is his and the ANC regime’s intended land expropriation without compensation. The propagandists maintain that there is a totally “stretche truth” around this matter, in order to activate fear with the individual White that his/her property and assets are going to be confiscated outright if Article 25 of the Constitution is amended and if the ANC wins the 2019 election with a mandate to effect expropriation. Many “political tails” are added to statements by him or his ministers and other officials on the land issue. The antagonists frequently misrepresent in this context for opportunistic and malicious politics, for instance, Julius Malema’s foolish rhetoric upon nationalisation, which is totally unrelated to the ANC’s policy of land- and assets-ownership, as part and parcel of Ramaphosa’s utterances. Prominent in this situation are the various antagonistic organisations and the Afrikaanse media reflecting Ramaphosa as a revolutionary and a political danger for the Whites regarding their land ownership and personal lives. Critical and in-depth evaluations of Ramaphosa’s speeches and writings show these kinds of political action in public by the antagonists as false, and as said, personal and political attacks upon him.3,28-36

But the attack on his integrity as President is not driven alone by the antagonists coming mostly from the White sector, but is also coming from two other intertwined forces: ethnicity differences and conflict inside the Black population, and internal conflicting ANC politics. With reference here to the “classification” of Black population, it is important that the well-coined term “Black/Blacks” has became associated with the existence of one “South African Black Nation”, which is assumed to represent one single cultural, economic, political orientation and unity. This is untrue: “South African Blacks” consist of at least eleven tribes, and although their communal fighting of Apartheid and White suppression united them, these tribes stay encircled by their own uniqueness and foundations. Separateness between the various tribes became gradually stronger after 1994, with the ousting of the overwhelming politics of the nationalist Afrikaners which previously had forced all Blacks into one laager. The main and strongest role-players in the so-called “Black Nation” were in the past and are still at present the Zulus and the Xhosas. Nelson Mandela and Thabo Mbeki were Xhosas and Jacob Zuma a Zulu. Hereto are ex-president Mthlanthe associated with the Tswanas and Cyril Ramaphosa with the Vendas. Although Mthlanthe showed himself to be a president of excellence, his reign was cut short by the ANC due to his non-Xhosa and non-Zulu identity and the Zulu overtaking of the ANC party under Jacob Zuma. Ramaphosa is now, as was Mothlanthe, in the same Zulu and Xhosa process of being politically gobbled up. Inside this “Black Nation”, disturbed by delinquent ethnicity and the ANC heartland overrun by the Zulus and Xhosas, Ramaphosa’s ousting and ongoing opposition by the crook Zuma and his cronies, is prominent. In the present unstable ANC politics, the nearly 50% Zuma-faction of the ANC-NEC, is the cause of vicious and malicious fighting, as bad as that by the antagonists. The continuation of Ramaphosa’s leadership of the ANC party and his Presidency is strongly contested.28-39

Given that the focus of this research is upon the intention to redistribute so-called White land to a mass of landless and poor Blacks, representing all eleven of the Black tribes, the political integrity of Cyril Ramaphosa as leader of the ANC, as well as the State of South Africa, must first be place in perspective, especially because he as a person who as a politician is constantly under attack by the antagonists. On the other side stands his duty to assure political and socio-economic stability for the country, within these unjust attacks.

It is important here to pinpoint how Ramaphosa’s speeches and writings upon the matter of land expropriation became “enlarged” upon and “coloured in” by the antagonists and other opponents, the precise moment that he moved away from the exclusive future upkeep and guarantee of the present White land ownership (and seeming White richness) and his intended limiting of the exclusive shielding of the White farmers in the future from the competition of Black farmers. It is also important to note how his vague intention of the introduction of inclusive capitalism, which has successfully supported and driven as many as 32 000 commercial White farmers now for nearly a century in South Africa, was suddenly called Communism, nationalisation and land grabbing by the antagonists!40-46 Cyril Ramaphosa’s speeches and remarks upon land reform in perspective

Firstly, land ownership and the forced need to relocate mass land to Blacks, is not a new concept in Ramaphosa’s mind (or that of the ANC elite). Indeed, the discontent around the insufficient addressing of the land issue already in 1994 has arisen many times since 1994 in the speech of ANC leaders. More recently, in 2016, it was prominently forced to the foreground by the rhetoric of the Jacob Zuma and Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma gang, which aimed with utmost political opportunism to keep Jacob Zuma in the presidency, so as to force to the foreground the land transformation matter under the banner of land expropriation without compensation. Central to the issue of land transformation implementation stands the Constitution and its shortcomings to allow land transformation unhindered.28-36

The imbalanced possession of a mass of land by Whites in South Africa was indirectly referred to in 1994 by Ramaphosa in an interview with the journalist Kaizer Nyatsumba35 of The Star, when he clearly voiced his disagreement with certain outcomes of the 1994 dispensation which had negated the Blacks’ rights and privileges. Prominent in this was his reference to strategies to be developed and to be followed for corrections in this concern. But, according to the propagandists, this early so-called inclination of Ramaphosa to activate land reform so as to install balanced Black land ownership, was then (and is still today) free from extreme revolutionary intentions and changes, like the outright grabbing of every White farmer’s land as falsely alluded to by the antagonists to be Ramaphosa’s intentions.28-36

The antagonists maintain that there are radicals inside the ANC elite (alleged to function within Ramaphosa’s intimate party circle and thus actively seeming to have his knowledge and permission) who propagate that all White land should be or will be expropriated without compensation. Prominent here are the alleged remarks by some spokespersons of the ANC, like Lamola55, Kodwa47 and Mokono52. The antagonists focus here is that the ANC’s intended “weighted compensation” of redistributed farms must only be seen as the short-term start-up of the process of land expropriation, to reach at the end full-scale land expropriation without compensation as the ultimate goal. This allegation is for the propagandists wantonly used by the antagonists to illustrate the so-called coming of land nationalisation primarily to create fear within the general public and is indeed for the propagandists a clear example of the constant manipulation of the truth by the antagonists. The various remarks of the abovementioned three spokespersons of the ANC bear the propagandists out and are in line with the ANC Lekgotla in December 2017, which adopted only a basic decision to speed up land expropriation without compensation. The propagandists contend that Lamola55, Kodwa47 and Mokono52 never referred to “utmost expropriation” of all land/property inside a nationalising model, neither did the ANC Lekgotla in December 2017 do so. In addition, there was no comprehensive plan put on the table at the Lekgotla by the ANC of land expropriation. The focus was only that certain categories of land/property be ear-marked in the future for expropriation without compensation.47–57

In this context of a future land expropriation, Ramaphosa personally gives a further guideline when he says55:4: “…that the state’s immediate intention is to target land from state-owned enterprises and private sector businesses that have large tracts of unused land – such as forestry giants Sappi and Mondi, and where there are already at present a load of uncompleted land claims.”

In this context, the propagandists also make it clear that the December 2017 Lekgotla of the ANC regime has not set the sights on various other traditional financial, legal and statutory institutions as alleged many times by some antagonists.49,52,55,57,58

Taking into account what Ramaphosa really said and meant upon land expropriation, it is undoubtedly far from what is so far reflected by the antagonists. The true profile on Ramaphosa’s land expropriation is clearly and unchangeably formulated by Dr. Nick Koornhof59, an ANC MP and member of the Constitutional Revising Committee of the ANC, when he writes59:17:

Nêrens lui die ANC se besluit dat wit boere se grond gevat moet word nie! Nêrens word daar gesê produktiewe plase moet geteiken word nie! Die ANC het daarom die EFF se mosie in die parlement gewysig.

With regard to the ANC’s recently launched review of the Constitution which could allow for land expropriation without compensation, it must be pointed out that this review outcome is only one (possibly a last) option of many under consideration, writes Derby60:2.

For the ANC regime, their basic principle of land reform will be premised upon three elements, namely security of tenure, land restitution and land redistribution. Ramaphosa’s land redistribution plan (with or without compensation), according to the propagandists, fully guarantees that the outcome of expropriation without or with compensation will not hurt the economy in the short or long term and will also not hurt foreign investments.59-61

Bruce62 writes on the possible post outcomes of land expropriation as follows62:16:

Labour tenants who have been on farms for decades will get their land. Rural families living under traditional leadership in the former Transkei and rural KwaZulu-Natal could get title. The state has a lot of land to make available to new farmers. Near the cities, where pressure for land is huge, the answer is to turn dreadful living conditions into a giant economic opportunity.

People pressing for land near their work places in or nearby urban centres will be given serviced plots upon which to build their own homes.

The most extreme impact upon South Africa’s politics and economics that Ramaphosa’s expropriation can bring is well researched and described by Haffajee50. Three categories without real negative impact upon the economy or to influence negatively the international status of the country are identified, making the whole process clearly free from the dangerous “sting of the scorpion”. This final profile is well shielded by the antagonists from the ordinary citizens’ attention, so as to opportunistic not undermine their efforts to incite resistance to the planned democratic land reform approach of Ramaphosa.50

Haffajee50 writes50:8:

The compromise gaining ground is to enhance the national expropriation laws (which are before parliament) to allow for the expropriation of certain categories of land without having to engineer an amendment to the property clauses of the Constitution.

These categories are abandoned buildings, unutilised land, commercial property held unproductively and purely for speculative purposes, under-utilised property owned by the state, and land farmed by labour tenants with an absentee titleholder.

Firstly, the above identified properties are so-called “passive properties”, held in reserve by rich owners, undoubtedly mostly Whites, for speculation and profiteering in terms of exclusive capitalism wherefrom the majority (mostly the poor and landless Blacks) is discrimitively isolated. In this context, it must be acknowledged that most of these passive properties were obtained exclusively by the rich Whites due to their favoured financial position during the more than 300 years of racial discrimination and exploitation of the poor non-Whites who not only lacked the money to buy property for speculation and profiteering, but were strictly prohibited during Great Apartheid through the Group Areas legislation to buy into better White areas’ land and property. Furthermore, much of this “passive properties/ land” was confiscated from non-Whites through the Groups Area’s legislation at ridiculously low prices to benefit Whites. This is precisely the “stealing of Black land” by Whites to which imminent Black leaders such as Pheko, Makgoba and others refer. The propagandists also note that this massive stealing of land and property was executed over centuries, phasing out most of the wrongdoing in the present day mindsets of South African people. It was only after 1994 that the attention was focused upon this whole process of injustice, which the antagonists are now trying to cover up and down play with their 1994 dispensation and Constitution as just outcomes with a duration forever in South Africa19.

Secondly, according to the propagandists, the abovementioned specific classification of properties to be expropriated is already a good indication of Ramaphosa’s sincerity to Whites and other land owners as well as White capitalists. It certainly erases the uncertainty in the mining and agricultural sectors. There is also no intention that foreign or local investors’ factories, properties or capital will be expropriated. As the poor Blacks become rich and established farmers and owners of urban land, homes, the private buying out of the land of the shrinking White population will undoubtedly follows. This latter process will clearly also be without any land grabbing of every piece of land (either for farming or home development), based upon the honest buying out of the Whites’ property at market related prices.50

Thirdly, as stated by Haffajee50, the above land reform plan of Ramaphosa as clear and honest, making the allegation by the antagonists that the ANC regime lacks an informative and operational land expropriation plan, null and void. Hereto there is also a clear legal detailing that there can be expropriation without compensation in certain cases, but also that realistic and just compensation is incorporated into expropriation. The propagandists show that it is impossible for the ANC regime at this stage to pinpoint precisely the scope of expropriation and how long the process will need to be applied, so as to obtain balance in equality. The propagandists note that the process of redistribution of the so-called “stolen Black land”, which was intensely activated by the Native Land Act of 1913, could not even be completed in 1994 (81 years later) by the nationalist Afrikaners themselves. To undo the present unjustified land grabbing setup in a just and orderly way, wherein more than 60% of the total South African soil belongs to Whites, illegally obtained over hundreds of years, will take time but surely not the 81 years duration of the Whites’ “land-expropriation”! Of course there are timeframes to be followed for Ramaphosa in his land redistribution, depending upon various constant changing determinants and needs of the poor and landless Blacks, as well as the state of South African and world economics, etc. But what is clear for the propagandists, is that Ramaphosa’s land redistribution plan is not going to be land grabbing as the antagonists try to profess to the public and the world. This was a bad custom and a bad habit only exclusively practiced by the pre-1994 White regimes of South Africa and will not be repeated in any way by the ANC regime.42,50,62-64

The whole controversy around Ramaphosa’s land reform plan, which the antagonists masterly redirect with malice to be land grabbing, must be read in one of Ramaphosa’s65 announcements65:4: “Land expropriation without compensation is going to happen whether South Africans, US President Donald Trump and the UN General Assembly like it or not”, and: “I am going to explain it without any fear and I am going to say: ‘This is us. Take us or leave us’”.

His words to Mfeketo67 and Collins66 and a group of Black professionals at a September 2018 business breakfast in Pietermaritzburg were redirected by the antagonists to fits their malicious allegations of land grabbing, when he says67:4: “Happen it shall, whether people like it or not; it is going to happen”.65-67

The propagandists’ emphasise that he promotes land expropriation, but he never said in any way all expropriations will be outright from Whites and without compensation. His “mild” form of expropriation versus that of extremists such as Malema, and even Jacob Zuma, is excellently reflected by Hunter68 when he reports68:1-2: “Zuma recently released a video on Twitter in which he advocated the nationalisation of land – which is the policy of Julius Malema’s rival EFF. In contrast, Zuma’s own party stands for the expropriation of land, without compensation if necessary, so that it can be redistributed to those who were dispossessed”. The above clause “expropriation of land without compensation if necessary”, tells the story of Ramaphosa’s intention of a democratic, balanced land transformation, a process which the antagonists shield away from the public eye. This again confirms that there is not any process anticipated by Ramaphosa of nationalisation or a dramatic process focusing upon the individual White with expropriation without compensation.68

What the antagonists ignore is Ramaphosa’s clear inclination of anti-grabbing of land when he says that the ANC regime only want an equation balance in land ownership because an alleged 87% of South Africa’s land had been given before 1994 to a minority population (Whites). It is important to note that the real context of his speech was ignored by the antagonists and needs for the propagandists to be reflected properly to the public. It reads65:4: “We are saying that the equation has to be balanced, and because we are balanced people and we are not mad, we are going to do it in a responsible manner, but we are not going to turn away from making sure it does happen”.

It is clear that for Ramaphosa, it clearly turns around an equal and a responsible landtransfer, only applicable to “unproductive land, unused buildings”, etc. and not productive and functional White land and farming businesses. It was in this context that Donald Trump later on accepted the Ramaphosa land expropriation plan, but urged him to be more descriptive with what he intends to do. Cyril Ramaphosa is not a White land grabber as the antagonists wantonly try to portray him.65 South Africa’s orderly democracy justifies Ramaphosa’s land expropriation

Democracy allows orderly change to rectify injustice; justice is indeed the main principle of democracy. But, notwithstanding the fact that the primary intention of democracy is to be righteous always and every moment of the day the implementation of it can take time, especially when democracy is new born to a country which had suffered for centuries under autocracy and fascism. Political, social and economical transformations ask for time and patience. Two decades have passed since South Africa became a democracy, clear shortcomings in the Constitution are coming to the foreground, forcing daring challenges to be faced and solved, like the addressing of the imbalance between the races on land ownership. The 1994 settlement on land-redistribution is, in terms of the prescription of the country’s democracy, far from a fait accompli as the antagonists try to present. In the finalising of the outstanding account of the transferring back of White land “stolen” from the Blacks, Ramaphosa is, as the official executer of it upon behalf of the ANC regime and the Nation, now unfortunately singled out as the culprit of so-called full scale aggression against Whites, which even Donald Trump believed, according to AfriForum.65

The propagandists put it clearly that President Cyril Ramaphosa has no intention to grab functioning White private property without compensation and that his land transferring scheme is not going to target all the present land of Whites which was “stolen” from Blacks. That will be undemocratic, something he does not underwrite. Furthermore, the state’s own high potential land of millions of hectares of agricultural land, which has not been collateralised and is not productive, will become part of the intended land expropriation. There is also not any intention, like Stalin cruelly did with the privileged nobles and rich in Russia, to travel back in history to punish any White culprits for the stealing of land from Blacks: there will be no “White kulaks” to be the focus of Black or ANC revenge.65,67,69,70

Ramaphosa, a qualified attorney by profession, has a well established mindset based upon right and wrong and has always been steered by the principles of democracy in his so-called freedom fighting politics: the concept of one-man-one-vote stands central for him without negatively influencing the rights specific to Whites. He was one of the founders of the 1994 South African democracy and one of the compilers of the Constitution. What he underwrotes in 1994 to uphold democracy he underwrites still today. The only outcome is that he believes, as the majority of Blacks also believe, that the present day Constitution must be streamlined and legal obstructions to block progress and justice must be rectified.37,38,65-67,69,70

Evidence of how much Ramaphosa stresses democracy inside the ANC structures and the greater South African politics, especially regarding citizen’s rights, is his decision to make the ANC’s list of representatives for the 2019 election to Parliament far more racially representative (undoubtedly reflecting a party functioning betternow that Jacob Zuma is gone) and that the list must be consistent with each province’s demographics. Hunter68 reports68:1-2: “In the Western Cape there need to be more coloured people on the list because that is the constituency, and in KwaZulu-Natal because there are Indians…” Ramaphosa’s openness to democracy is also seen in his allowing of the previous presidents Thabo Mbeki, Kgalema Motlanthe and even Jacob Zuma into his advisory circle, because, as he says, they are fountains of wisdom and can make his decisions more constructive.68 Ramaphosa’s role in Black land ownership as a “volks”-movement

The antagonists’ further postulation that the intended land expropriation is exclusively driven by the chief leaders of the ANC with Ramaphosa as the key-culprit, enabled by their extreme political empowerment to cleverly mask the manipulation of the South African politics solely to benefit Blacks, lacks insight for the propagandists. Looking closely at the real facts, the activation of the process of land expropriation is the start-up of a normal “Black volks movement” away from specific political affiliations. This is an incoming movement which Ramaphosa knows very well might be devastating if he is not steering it inside orderly democratic principles. For the propagandists it is clear that every member of the Black “volks”-movement underwrites the single motto on land ownership66:4: “We are together”. It is not done on a populist ticket, driven by the ANC elite from their Tshwane or Cape Town headquarters. It is clear that the ANC regime’s notion of an immense incompleteness and dissatisfaction by “the people” with the 1994-2018 dispensation’s land redistribution decision and plan have a sound base. The 1994 to 2018 land reform programme cemented into the 1994 dispensation, failed to fulfill its requirements to serve the people well. Less than 15% of the poor and landless Blacks’ legitimate claims were served. This is why Ramaphosa is so well informed from as far back as 1994.28-36,61,66,71-75

The propagandists’ view that the parliamentary commission’s testing of the public’s opinion upon the matter of land reform shows firstly an in-depth need for the return of Black land to its disempowered owners, and secondly that the whole process is decentralised by the ANC regime, allowing the South African people themselves to work out solutions upon future ownerships of land. It is only at the end that the whole process will be backed up by laws and a clear policy provided by the government. The ANC regime’s land transformation plan is a true tool for real transformation, to address inequality of opportunity, poverty and unemployment and not a so-called Ramaphosa “brain child” of political wrongdoing, according to the propagandists.32,34,71,73 71:21

The propagandists maintain that Ramaphosa’s policy on land ownership and land expropriation and his steering of the Black “volks” movement inside this policy, adheres to the principles of the Freedom Charter, which reads specifically71:21: “SA belongs to all who live in it, black and white”, and: “All national groups are equal before the law”. Equality was absent until 1994 in South Africa. Without land ownership and financial empowerment it is still absent in 2019 for a mass of Blacks.71 Freedom Charter as an exclusive motivator for and driver of Ramaphosa’s land reform

The abovementioned Freedom Charter’s land clause, dated 1955, reflecting upon the justified comparability of land ownership in terms of the South African race numbers and land ownership, guided by a democracy for the rights of the individual, is not the sole guidance used by Ramaphosa assuring his democratic right to effect his intended land expropriation. A further supportive guideline of the rightfulness of his programme is the ANC document on future land ownership issued in 1969 after the historic ANC Conference in Tanzania, which confirmed that the ANC was cognisant that the redistribution of land would include all race groups equally, an outcome which is now seriously lacking. Tabane72 writes72:6: “It makes bold to say that the restrictions of land ownership on a racial basis shall be ended and all lands shall be open to ownership and use by all people, irrespective of race’ ’’.72,74

It is clear from the Freedom Charter that all races can (more precisely: must) be land owners, but on the basis of equality in terms of the proportional numbers of the various racial groups. The present day South African 83% White owners versus 13% Black owners is an imbalance, representing inequality which needs rectification. It contradicts the ANC’s 1955 and 1969 decisions. For the propagandists, Thabo Mbeki’s interpretation in October 2018 that Ramaphosa is breaking the principles and guidelines of the Freedom Charter with his intended land expropriation plan is absolutely incorrect. The same can be said about the antagonists’ generalisation in this context of the Freedom Charter. As Mbeki and the antagonists see it, it is a plain reflection of the present unjust land ownership introduced in 1994.71,72

The Freedom Charter leaves Ramaphosa no other choice but to activate land expropriation with great urgency.71,72 Advent of a comprehensive Ramaphosa “grabbing”?

Closely related to the antagonists’ constant accusations of a comprehensive process of grabbing to come, in this context is Ngcukaitobi’s74 argument that land redistribution goes further than just the physical handing over of White land, but that there is an emotive component as well as a further physical compensation also included in the process (a comprehensive outcome to activate expropriation created earlier by the Whites in their land grabbing of Blacks’ land), to rectify their past wrongdoings. Ngcukaitobi’s74 postulation reads that74:23: “… [if] the legacy is to be undone, the return of the land should be restorative of African humanity. Transactions about the ‘return’ of the land are incomplete without restoring the dignity of those from whom the land was taken,” with specific reference to dignity74:23: “African identities, freedom, equality and political autonomy which were lost.” The antagonists maintain that an additional element of the total land grabbing and nationalising of White assets, is the further mention by Ngcukaitobi of 74:23: “Land is not the only asset that was lost through colonial occupation. Cattle, farming implements, labour and human potential were taken away. African societies were broken up, their cultures ravaged and their identities erased”.

Ngcukaitobi’s74 so-called “comprehensive” reparative land project goes deeper than merely the right of the so called “indigenous” Blacks to obtain ownership of their birth land and the right to stay on it and to live there. For the antagonists, this seems to be based upon masked, exclusive comprehensive Black empowerment, in order to make the South African soil and its culture exclusively Black owned and orientated, and land per se as a future point of departure, so as to steer Black politics, to the exclusion of Whites’ participation or consultation. This intention of Ngcukaitobi74 however indirect and theoretically argued and fronted by the antagonists as a truth to come, is not in any way part of the ANC’s land expropriation. Neither is Ngcukaitobi’s74 official part of the ANC’s elite or lawmakers, and his comments can thus not be taken seriously as the antagonists are doing. A kind of “Ngcukaitobi expropriation” is for the propagandists an outright revenge which the ANC regime is not in anyway going to allow. The ANC is viewing this as the thinking of a small radical element in its own heartland.74

In shooting down the academic and theoretical argument of Ngcukaitobi74 on the “total approach” of land expropriation, which is seen by the antagonists as revenge, the propagandists put it clearly that revenge or absolute reparation of the past wrongdoings by Whites is not a part of the ANC regime’s land expropriation (with or without compensation). It is important for the propagandists that the emotive can connect the past with the present, but that new and modern day lifestyles and cognitive realities already show their exclusion of their own past from their present day actions. This makes Ngcukaitobi’s74 postulation of the need for the restoration of age-old (and many times outdated) African identities, freedoms and equalities, together with Black ideologies, which are coming specifically from those early times to a great extent, null and void. The ANC, as a modern day political party, knows very well that this “new age development” which minimised the past, impacts upon their present and future political practices. To implement it means outright inappropriate revenge upon the Whites for the ANC. It means, if implemented by them, the repeat of wanton political wrongdoings of the White rulers which they totally detested. Furthermore, it is against the principles of the Freedom Chater.74

The comprehensive failing of revenge actions to punish all so-called culprits of Apartheid, to turn back the clock to relive the past in terms of revenge, as Ngcukaitobi74 theoretically alludes, will not be allowed by Ramaphosa. For the propagandists this is in practice impossible through land expropriation without compensation as a vehicle.74

Firstly, as the propagandists have already emphasised many times, is it not the intention of the ANC regime now or in the future. Secondly, our past is just too contaminated for the activation of such a process, as Makgoba14 clearly states14:23:

Although I don’t want to turn the current fight over land reform into a free-for-all, we can not afford to ignore the seisure of land before the current cut-off date of 1913. Expropriation going back to colonial times has sentenced many generations to utter poverty and shame. Laws and practice were maintained by force of arms, leading to a system of landownership and economic development disproportionately based upon race.

However, we must recognise that going back to the colonial era raises difficult questions. What happens to white families who have long since sold land originally seised by their forebears and invested the proceeds? And what about those who bought land for the first time more recently, using big loans from the banks? If the banks lose their money, what damage does that do to the economy?

What about the land given in the 18th Century to those of our ancestors who helped the colonisers defeat other groups of African people? Who adjudicates those disputes?

The abovementioned outcomes, according to the propagandists, clearly reflect the limitations inherent to the ANC regime’s intended expropriation. It is also within this guideline that Cyril Ramaphosa is driving his land expropriation intentions. It is in this context that the propagandists’ plea that ordinary South Africans must erase from their mindset a Mugabe-Zimbabwe land grab scenario reflected by the misleading of the antagonists as an outcome on the land issue. It will not happen. The consequences are just too overwhelming and destructive for South Africa, as Derby60, after analysis of the Rhodesia/Zimbabwe political history points out60:2:

Our closest example of what land reform means upon a massive scale was that undertaken by Zimbabwe’s very desperate ruling elite at the turn of the century. Faced with the possible ousting by what was then an emerging, urbanised and trade union-based opposition party in the Movement for Democratic Change, they unleashed an untidy and populist land reform programme that ruined the economy, setting it back decades. But that’s not to say the elite led by former president Robert Mugabe had been leading the country towards economic prosperity in the years before the land grabs were sanctioned.

Derby60 shows how the White elite as well the later Black elite of Rhodesia/Zimbabwe botched up Zimbabwe, plainly by their double-sided racism and foolish political thinking, planning and action. The ANC regime under Cyril Ramaphosa wants at all costs to avoid such outcomes here: the White rule from 1652 to 1994 was more than enough tragedy for him. The ANC’s land proposals and intentions are not pointing to a Zimbabwe experience in waiting for South Africa. There is another, better side to land redistribution and this is the way that the ANC regime (far from the false and outrageous allegations of the antagonists) wants to take South African farming inside the country’s total economics. In this context Derby60 again guides60:2:

Instead of being panicked as a nation, we should focus upon what a well implemented land reform process promises for the South African economy, which is trapped in low single digit growth territory when what is most needed is the type of growth rates experienced in East Asia over the past few decades. If reforms are done well (or nearly as well as the apartheid regime went about its reforms), it is thought that growth in Africa’s second biggest economy could move on to another plateau, one that would ensure that structural unemployment – which sits at over 26% – is finally and sustainably eroded.

The propagandists emphasise that the ANC land redistribution policy proposals of December 2017 in no way point to the Mugabe-Zimbabwe tragedy of landgrabbing, with good consensus. It is a good policy of future politics, specifically and in general, to bring about long term benefits for the individuals of South Africa.59,60

Looking at the abovementioned reports, is it also clear that a so-called “Malema-nationalisation” is absolutely absent from Ramaphosa’s land expropriation plan, contrary to what the antagonists try to reflect.59,60

With regard to the recent much debated 139 “White” farms which the antagonists allege are going to be “confiscated” or “nationalised” in the near future, the propagandists maintain that the present circumstances of these farms must be correctly understood and evaluated in terms of the prescribed legal process upon the transfer and pay-out of private land needed for redistribution. The reference to “confiscation” is untrue and is used by the antagonists to mislead the public. The facts are manipulated by the antagonists in order to negatively profile Ramaphosa’s presidency as well as his good intentions in the creation of a better South Africa. The truth is that the ANC regime’s land reform programme was and still is being obstructed by some White farmers who are blocking the transfer of their farms because they mostly disagree upon the final selling price. This focused “political as well as business sabotage” unnecessarily complicates the traditional “willing seller versus willing buyer” agreement for land redistribution coming from 1994. The dispute here, according to the propagandists, is purely about the constant “over-pricing” of farms. This unrealistic imbalance in value creation of their farms by the delinquent actions of some farmers has caused the government to find a justified and responsible solution. It is an unavoidable blockage which the government must overcome. For the propagandists, the constant “illegal obstruction” by White farmers in the selling of farms to the government by their misuse of the Constitution and the courts canno longer be allowed or tolerated. It is nothing less than sabotage with the prime intention to create anarchy. The propagandists note that the presence of the so-called Afrikaner/White saviours and rescuers is strongly observed in this obstruction of the government’s normal functioning to assure harmony between the races upon land ownership.47,52,55

There is not a single fact to support the allegation of “confiscation” or “nationalisation” of White land as the antagonists allude. By going to court with test cases upon land transfers (after staying away from the courts since 1994, so as to avoid the label of autocracy, Black racism or the suppression of Whites’ rights, etc.), the government only wants at last to overcome the White farmers’ delinquent obstruction of the land redistribution programme. All that the government wants to do with the 139 farms at present is to get a legal foot to stand upon in the future, even without changes to the Constitution, so as to normalise the process of land redistribution. The propagandists emphasise that in this case it must be clear that the intention of the ANC is to undertake in the near future land redistribution within a coded legal guideline, which prescribes justified and realistic compensation.49,52,55,57,58 Reviewing Ramaphosa’s new age farming system through justified land expropriation

The constant painting by the antagonists of an outright failiure in waiting for the planned new sufficient-producing Black farmers is an outright manipulation of fake facts, according to the propagandists. Rampahosa plans to introduce a totally new system of financially independent farming, based upon inclusive capitalism and the introduction of a new sufficient-producing farming system driven by specific models, varying from small scale subsistence farmers up to small scale commercial farmers and commercial middle level farmers. This farming system has the potential to also erase the present day vast debt of the majority of farmers (possible so many as 32 000 mostly White farmers) to the tune of more than R160bn to both private bankers (R129bn plus) and the Land Bank (R40bn).26,75-79

This new planned farming policy and style of Ramaphosa’s farming sector will also erase the antagonists’ groundless postulations that if the present more or less 35 000 commercial farmers active in 2018 are increased to 70 000 farmers in the system, or that the more or less 35 000 commercial farms are each turned over to ten Black families, totally failure will follow. The antagonists clearly hang onto outdated farming models and profiles, as the only means to activate good farming, high production and food security. Evidence gathered worldwide contradicts this outdated and rigid farming model of South Africa which allows only the existence of mostly White farmers and their exclusive holding of vast areas of land under the pretext of “food security” for South Africa. The ANC’s planned new age farming system for South Africa offers hereto immense opportunities for new in-coming farmers and hasthe potential at the same time to assure food security for the country as well as the improvement of its local food production and food exports at far more affordable costs. For the propagandists, the antagonists lack insight into the ANC regime’s planned Black farming sector (and possibly also an understanding of what the concept “normal farming sector” as a whole means), while their White cultural and political exclusiveness and supremacy, cemented into their farming culture over more than 100 years, make a change in 2019 seemingly very troublesome for them.26,77-79

The abovementioned good intentions, system and planning of the ANC regime to drive and to execute a just and balanced land redistribution are at present totally being missed by the antagonists. Their constant false allegations against the expropriation plan are being activated by their immense fear that the White farmers and business sector will lose their financial empowerment. The antagonists’ delinquent influences upon and actions within the White farming sector also create cognitive confusion in most South Africans’ mindsets about their assets and future in the country. This also throws a conflicting and misleading shadow over the intentions of the Ramaphosa regime upon economics as far it is bound to land ownership and the farming setup around so-called food security.60

The modern day East Asian farming environment provides an excellent example to enlighten the intentions of the ANC’s intended new age farming models wherein the mass of poor and landless Blacks are central as a blue print. The East Asian farming reform and progressive management in the upliftment of millions of poor Asians, as well as their phenomenonal delivery of agricultural products by these new incoming farmers to their countries’ local as well as international markets, are not only an example of what the ANC intents to do, but an aim which they can easily reach with their planned land reform and a new generation of Black farmers. These farmers vary from small and commercial up to mega farmers within a comprehensively functioning Black farming community. Prominent examples here are the rise of masses of farmers in the East Asian nations China, Japan and South Korea.60

In the Asian context the restructuring of agriculture, based upon land reform, erased inequalities in wealth with the enrichment of previously landless poor people after financially securing them as farmers and workers. At the same time, have these new agricultural enterprises made a turn-around with the limiting of importation of food and its costs by the constructive delivery of these new farmers to local produce. South Africa’s agricultural sector holds the potential to conservatively create a million more jobs (from farmers to labourers) in ten years time, if a good land reform scheme, supported by an increase in investments to start up production and Black farmers, is implemented.60 With regard to the positive impact of new technology and agricultural science to increase not only agricultural production but also the better use of small pieces of land, Derby60 writes60:2: “With new technology, fertilisers and irrigation systems, the land that we once thought barren in rural South Africa need not be, as long as there is government and private sector support and it is well organised”.

Land expropriation as done in East Asia, always has unavoidable short term negativities, but these are mostly fast overcome with a supportive and well organised government and private sector on the one side, and an eager sector of incoming farmers on the other side. The antagonists are correct in their argument that the new age farming system of the ANC is going to require, as it did initially in the East Asian countries, sacrifices from all the roleplayers, but if these sacrifices and positive contributions are not made, anarchy, revolution and starvation are on the cards for South Africa as a whole. For the propagandists it is clear that it is going to be the antagonists, now rigidly hanging on to their under-used land and unjust privileges, as the White farmers foolishly didin Zimbabwe, who will be the greatest losers if land expropriation is not activated in 2019.60 In this context Derby60 writes60:2: “But of course, as part of land reform, some farmers will find themselves having to carve up their lands; one can’t ignore our shared history. Land reform comes with great upheaval as it involves taking land from those who have it and giving it to those who don’t. To unleash it, title deeds are necessary. Landowners, white farmers, the government and our chiefs and kings need to buy in so South Africa can reap the economic rewards”.

To make an East Asian farming system sustainable and viable in South Africa, the South African State can at last, after hundreds of years of utmost suffering by millions of Blacks, of which the most are at the moment still caught in poverty, inequality and unemployment, bring about a positive change through land expropriation. For the propagandists, Ramaphosa is obliged by the country’s post-1994 democracy and the absolute need to erase the country’s tragic political past, to effect immediate and comprehensive land expropriation. Moreover, Ramaphosa has no other choice. The propagandists believe Ramaphosa’s and the ANC’s new age farming project is not only positively challenging, it is something great with which to get involved.

3.2.2. The ANC’s present day steering of the Poor Black Problem

The antagonists allege that there is presently a low success rate around the upliftment of the poor and landless Blacks through farming initiatives by the ANC regime. The antagonists allege this to be a direct failure which was activated by certain negative characteristics of the poor and landless Blacks, together with an incapable and failed ANC regime. The propagandists reject this view completely as devoid of truth. For the propagandists it is again a planned racist effort by the antagonists to obstruct the ANC’s land expropriation plan.

Regarding the specific allegations by the antagonists that the 1994 to 2018 land redistribution plan of the ANC regime failed because negative characteristics hamper the placed Black farmers, the propagandists note that the antagonists missed the fact that it takes far more than 24 years to acclimatise and to promote disadvantaged peoples, in this case specifically as farmers in a new socio-economic and political system. The fact is that the Black farmers of the 1994 to 2018 land redistribution programme all come from an extremely poor background, mostly uneducated and poorly trained in the agriculture profession and trade, which they had to overcome while at the same time having to adapt to new standards of functioning and living from which they were excluded most of their lives by the pre-1948 and later the Apartheid system. To understand the complexity of the ANC regime which their 1994 to 2018 land redistribution had to face, and the so-called low success rate of 10% to 20% accompanying it as alleged by the antagonists, it is firstly important to go back into the political history of the post-1948 successful nationalist Afrikaners, noting the problematic course of upliftment of the so-called poor Afrikaners (pre-1948) of the 1930s as farmers and their failure to obtain an immediate high success outcome.3,26,42,75,77-78 The 1994 to 2018 Black farmers’ upliftment a repeat of the poor Afrikaners’ farmer rehabilitation (1830-1939)

In the problematic upliftment of the so-called poor Afrikaners (pre-1948), it clearly stands out that the failure of some of the descendants of the poor and struggling Voortrekkers (proto-Afrikaners) who had left the Cape Colony in the 1830s and who were in 1939 (more than 100 years later), still under very supportive Afrikaner/White political regimes and their racial favouring, but were still poor and unsuccessful in the economically progressive South Africa of the 1939s. Geen3 illustrates this reality well3:74:

Looking back it may not be unduly optimistic to claim that the political division [Northern Afrikaners versus British and Cape Dutch] that began in 1836 were healed by the Union of 1910, but the decisive social consequences of the Trek – the Poor White and the Native Problems – still remain [in 1939] to be solved and affect the public weal in the Union of South Africa today.

This rigid, ongoing White poverty and its negative and obstructive role in the South African economy, especially in the farming communities in the 1930s, is also well illustrated by the Carnegie Commission’s comprehensive reporting of 1932 on the poor White. The Commission estimated that more than 300,000 South African Whites, as much as 17.5% of the total White population of South Africa, were very poor, living mostly in rural areas where 30% of them were landless squatters.3,5

To understand the problematic situation around the present day rural Black poverty and the dilemma of the ANC regime to make a mass of poor and landless Black people immediately successful farmers and financially independent, the propagandists show the importance of noting Geen’s3 excellent reflection upon the Afrikaners’ poverty dilemma. In this study the following is highlighted3:

a) The proto-Afrikaners and Afrikaners’ similar pre- and post-1930 poverty as compared to that of the pre-and post-1994 poor Blacks, and

b) the Afrikaners’ failure to be made successful farmers immediately. White settlement at Kakamas on the Orange River

With reference to the well established land settlement schemes of the Union Government and the Dutch Reformed Church to immediately provide the poor Whites with smallholdings, finance and the teaching of improved farming methods and skills, Geen3 offers the following disappointing outcome of the failure of these enterprises and farmers3:200:

The Church settlement at Kakamas on the Orange River in the north-western corner of the Cape Province has been one of the most successful rehabilitation settlements, but every such scheme is a palliative rather than a cure. Moreover, the families placed on the settlements have been carefully chosen and yet only about half of them seem to make good.

This meant that a success rate of not more than 50%, notwithstanding an immense direct and continuing programme of moral, psychological and financial support by well established Afrikaner institutes such as the DRC and the AB, as well as further immense financial support by the South African Government. This mere 50% success rate by the poor Whites, growing up in a White governmental setup which had brought immense benefit over many years to Whites only and had greatly supported the White farming establishment and enterprise, confirms that a fast implementation scheme of Black-ownership of farms as required and prescribed by the antagonists as a absolute outcome after 24 years of implementation (lacking further the immense support from a large rich Black community, which was and is totally absent in pre-and post-1994 as a result of the Blacks’ immense poverty in general), is completely impossible. This explains why the immense financial inputs by the post-1994 government, as with that of the Eastern Cape Province which the antagonists allege yielded only a success rate of an alleged 10%, cannot and must not be seen as failures inherent to the poor Blacks as persons and the ANC regime as a poor ruler.3,42

For the propagandists the Afrikaner dilemma of the 1930s must be further used as a blue print to understand the post-2018 plans of the ANC regime with their uplifting of the mass of poor and landless Blacks within their planned land expropriation programme. What must be noted is that the 2019 dilemma around Black poverty is enormous in comparison with the small White poverty dilemma of the post 1930s. The present day official poor Blacks count is more than 29 million, while the poor Afrikaners in the 1930s counted only 300 000 (reflecting 1% or the ratio 1:100 against the Blacks’ numbers). Furthermore, this present day Black poverty is undoubtedly not due to personal shortcomings or characteristics inherent to the Black population or by their own wrongdoings, as is frequently argued by the antagonists (whose mindsets are still seemingly caught up in racism and White supremacy), but mostly a direct negative outcome of the long term planned racial discrimination against and suppression of Blacks, coming from as far back as the days of the British Cape and pre-1910s South Africa, and ending only in 1994.3,5 Geen3 reports here, in line with the antagonists’ so-called “failed” Black farmers of post-1994. This mirrors some of the proto-Afrikaners and Afrikaners own “personal shortcomings or characteristics inherent to them” (which the British authority at the Cape had described as the proto-Afrikaners and Afrikaners “economical and personal backwardness”). About this unfortunate situation, which for years contaminated the Afrikaners socio-economically and personally to prolonge the poor Afrikaner problem (and which is also echoed by today’s poor Black problem), Geen3 writes3:197:

Many factors have played a part in the origin of the poor White section of the community. The hardships and isolated life in the frontier districts of the old Cape Colony were one of the earlier causes and it is likely that many poor Whites found land and some salvation by joining the Great Trek, for as long as there was empty land to which to trek, their numbers were kept down. But before long the conditions that prevailed in the outlying districts of the Cape Colony were repeated in the states founded by the Voortrekkers on the interior plateau of southern Africa, for they did not go forth to found a new world but to continue the old one that they knew. The isolation of life in the huge area between the Orange and the Limpopo was even more marked than in the Cape of pre-Trek days. Educational facilities were often almost non-existent and there was no inducement to enterprise. Their environment tended to make many of the pioneer Boers an ignorant and indolent people, though hardy and self-reliant withal. Moreover, the time came when land was again scarce and then it was revealed that, though many had obtained much land too easily, others were landless squatters on the farms of the more well-to-do. For many years both in the Cape Colony and in the two republics the deterioration of a large section of the European population was overlooked, as a result of the preoccupation with numerous wars against the Bantu and the political strife between Boer and Briton, but before the end of the century the problem was engaging the attention of the Cape Government as well as that of President Kruger in the Transvaal, where changing economic conditions consequent upon the discovery of gold to increase the number of the poor Whites, who as a group have proved very unadaptable to new ways of life. White-poverty and Whites’ obstructive attitude to manual labour

To understand in further detail the present immense poor Black situation and the most challenging political, social and economical environment the ANC regime since 1994 faces and wherein it must trys to function and rule optimally to correct unjust land ownership and its roots of unemployment, inequality and poverty, is it also important to focus upon the roots of the poor White setup of the 1930s (which was overcome with time by the then White regime) and then to reflect from this how it is also rooted in today’s poor Black problem and can be solve by the ANC regime.3,5

Prominently intertwined with initial White poverty was the obstructive attitude of Whites against manual labor. This, on the one side, was work which most of the ordinary Blacks were forced to do, starting in the early Cape, so as to be able to make a living, and which had, willingly and unwillingly, became part of their financial and personal survival for centuries inside the White racially dominated economy. The primary intention of this economy was to create a contingent of plentiful cheap, untrained Black labor. This discrimination between types of work, so called “White work” and “Black work”, had made the Whites resistand refuse to do suitable unskilled and semi-skilled work provided by the Cape Government. In order to develop Whites and to give them insight into the need to do all types of work, so as to help them with time to overcome their joblessness and poverty. But the Whites’ negative and discriminative attitude to not do so-called “Black work”, continued for a long time and forced many Whites into the category of the 300 000 poor Whites of the 1939s. The fortunate position of Whites inside their discriminative political and economical system and the financial favouring of Whites in general through better work and business opportunities which included land ownership and farming, enriched most Whites and saved them from doing comprehensive cheap manual work. However, this had only emerged after 1948 with the DF Malan nationalist Afrikaners in government. This rich man, poor man setup, creating a master-servant relationship, was one of the prominent reasons for the maintenance of White racism and the keeping of masses of Blacks in immense poverty. This degrading situation and negative setup of landless and poor Blacks, which continues up until today, is highlighted by the propagandists as the contaminated situation which the ANC regime is now trying to rectify with their land reform to comprehensively uplift the poor and landless Blacks and which some White racists, who have been constantly obstructing Black rule since 1994, try to uphold.3-6,10,77 Roman-Dutch law of inheritance and the division of land

A further contaminative factor in the creation of ongoing White poverty was the early custom and tradition of the constant division of a father’s farm among his sons. In Transvaal this habit, based upon the Roman-Dutch law of inheritance, was abolished in 1902, but was still respected for years in the more backwards rural areas all over the Union. This constant sub-division of land blocked the creation of thrifty peasantry of small landholders as in Europe, basically due to South Africa’s harsh agricultural and climatic conditions and the failure to adopt new farming models to overcome these blocks. This aggravated poverty on the growing smaller and smaller “small” farms, lead thereto that the initially White owners became White “bywoners” on the lands of progressive White farmers, or were forced to look for work at diamond diggings and in towns where they, as result of a lack of training and skills, joined the ranks of the unemployed and unemployable, mostly Blacks. Many of these poverty stricken White “bywoners” were later on forced from the land of progressive landowners by improved farming methods and the development of pastoral farming, ending up in cities as poor and landless Whites.3

The abovementioned tragic outcomes, according to the propagandists, also occurred in the Black territories (besides the fact that they lost their land and farms to White land grabbers), forcing Blacks to seek work in the White farming community as poor paid labourers, as well as labourers in urban areas and at mines, due to the unprofitability of their constantly decreasing own tribal land. This outcome matches the Whites’ differentiation of “White work’ and “Black work”. Regarding the large contingent of poor Black and landless labourers, working and living from early times upon White farms, since 1994 an immense forcing out of these Black labourers from White farms where they and the ancestors had stayed for many years took place. They became, as did the poor Whites of the 1930s, a mass of poor, unemployed and unemployable persons in towns and cities with very little say in their destiny or a real human existence.3,5 White Helping Hand for only Whites

With regard to the then exclusive White Helping Hand for Whites only to uplift the poor and landless Whites in the post-1900s, Geen3 shows that the cure approach of the poor Whites by the White regimes from 1910s was the use of an exclusive focused discrimination (WEE) against non-Whites. This early outcome makes today’s AA, EE and BEE (and intended comprehensive forms of land redistribution) not only understandable but fully justified.5

Today’s AA, EE, BEE and intended comprehensive forms of land redistribution by the ANC regime also focus once again attention on the present day accusations by the antagonists that the ANC regime is solely a liberator with the modus operandi to destroy rather than build. They maintain that the ANC are unable to run a passable government and to greatly improve the quality of life of Black people beyond giving them handouts by the “redistribution” of the wealth of the rich Whites, like so-called “land grabbing.”

Upon examining the racially discriminative and exploitative political history of South Africa, the propagandists, quite rightly ask what were the actions of the White regimes from the 1800s up until 1994 other than to destroy rather than build, an inability to run a passable government to effectively serve the total population and an immense failure to greatly improve the quality of life of every citizen besides giving handouts only to Whites and the “redistribution” of the already limited wealth of the non-Whites to Whites?3,5 The White Helping Hand for Whites Only initiative demonstrates this extreme process and immensity of the handouts by the White governments of the assets of Blacks to Whites.

Geen3 illustrates this inclination of White liberation and the exclusive promotion through WEE to Whites at the costs of Blacks, over centuries, but especially from the 1910s, very well when he writes3:200:

Successive [White] governments have also adopted a white labour policy to provide the poor Whites with unskilled and semi-skilled work on the railways, roads and irrigation schemes. In 1921 there were 4,700 unskilled Europeans employed by the S.A. Railways. Seven years later the number was not far short of 16,000. They were given free housing and paid at the rate of from 3s. to 5s. a day. In this manner over a period of years, thousands have reached a higher level of subsistence. On the other hand, this policy of replacing Natives in unskilled occupations by Europeans added another disability to the Bantu. In the case of the railways it also meant that, contrary to the provisions of the South African Act, they were being used as a means of disguised poor relief. By means of such subsidised relief work and by charitable endeavour the rest of the community is helping to carry the poor Whites and to raise their status. Black Helping Hand for Blacks Only

The propagandists emphasise that the Black and the non-White communities were so impoverished since 1652, especially after the founding of the Union in 1910, that “charitable endeavor by the rest of the Black and non-White communities” to uplift the poor Blacks – a much needed Black Helping Hand for Blacks Only – was never possible up to 1994, even until today. Positive opportunities regarding Black farming, similar to that of the upliftment of the poor White, never occurred for them before 1994. It is only in the last 24 years, that the ANC regime under very troubled circumstances could engage for the first time in an action of upliftment similar to that of the Whites’ with their Black Helping Hand for Blacks Only. The motto of Geen3:200: “To keep the poor Whites on the land the Union Government and the Dutch Reformed Church have established land settlement schemes to provide them with smallholdings and to teach them better farming methods”, is precisely what the ANC regime is going to do now with the poor and landless Blacks on the road to perdition. For a successful outcome, the ANC regime only needs to return the unused and unproductive land of White farmers that were grabbed by their ancestors over centuries to the Blacks. Ongoing Black poverty within undisturbed present day White wealth

The propagandists believe that the years of isolation of the mass of Blacks in Black territories and the later so called Bantustans (areas representing in practice only 15% of the total South Africa geography) undoubtedly also contributed directly to the present day immense Black poverty and the Blacks’ ongoing political and economic disempowerment. To erase this negative setup will take much more time than the 25 years already spent, while an outright immediate success of 100% as the antagonists require and rigidly prescribe is just impossible. For the propagandists, a long term programme of comprehensive land redistribution is an absolute must for the ANC regime to be able to rectify the economics of the poor and landless Blacks and to correct the political wrongdoings around land ownership. In this setup the antagonists are clearly either uninformed of the South African political history and the immense efforts needed to uplift the poor, or they are deliberately sabotaging for their own opportunistic reasons, the ANC’s efforts to bring about a better South Africa for all its citizens.

The ongoing White political historical ignorance on the sound reasons of the ANC to activate land expropriation in order to rectify the immense injustice over a broad spectrum, are seen by the propagandists as blind and blunt opposition by the antagonists to a balanced and justified land ownership. The Blacks’ dire present day general financial position, when compared with the good general position of the Whites, nullifies the antagonists’ opposition that any form of compensation should be done for the poor and landless Blacks. For the propagandists, land expropriation a must, notwithstanding all its consequences. (For the propagandists, these consequences are minimal in comparison with the consequences if land expropriation is not effected in a fast and comprehensive manner).58,80-82

In this context it is important to compare the alleged 350 000 to 400 000 poor Whites in South Africa, and the alleged 150 000 financially struggling Afrikaners with the masses of non-Whites still living below the poverty line in South Africa in 2018 (reflected at an 8% poverty line). It is conservatively estimated (which seems to be an underestimation) that as many as 29 236 632 Blacks, or 73.0% of the total Black population [and 2 175 417 Coloureds (48.1% of the total Coloured population) and 150 409 Indians (11.8% of total Indian population)] are living in poverty. The dire situation of unemployment among Blacks is a further indicator of the poor Black Problem which the ANC regime must immediately address through action such as land reform. In this context statistics reflect that of South Africans (with ± 55 million of which the Blacks are by far the majority and ± 5 million Whites) older than 15 years, less than 40% are employed in some form, while of the 55 million of the total population (of which 35 million can accept employment), only 15 million are in stable employment. This means that 20 million persons (mostly Blacks) are unemployed and that for every ten persons who have work, 25 persons are unemployed (meaning 40% or the ratio 2:5 for employment).58,80-83

This negative impact upon the Black population is much higher when one remembers that the total population of ±55 million needs some basic income to be able to live, and that only 15 million are working in some form of established work. Comparing Whites to Blacks, these statistics indicate a ratio for Whites of ten in work against 13 unemployed (10:13), while the ratio for Blacks employed versus unemployed is 10:28. (In the rural areas in Kwazulu-Natal and the Eastern Cape the expanded Black unemployment rate is 41% and 50% respectively for 2017-2018). Hereto the official unemployment number for Whites is 7% versus 30% for Blacks.58,80-83

How extreme this unemployment and poverty are within the Black community, is further confirmed by the fact that there has been an insignificant increase of only 127 000 persons into employment from 2010 to 2015 in the age group 7 to 17 years, to bring to a total 11.2 million persons in work placement for this age group. In 2015 2.4 million children, mostly Black, not really qualified and mature enough to work, were being forced to work as a result of their family’s poverty.58,80-83

Looking more closely at the official statistics which reflect that only 26.6% of the population is unemployed, these statistics are misleading, seeing that only 42.8% of the total population is employed in some way and that the youth unemployment is 53.7%, most of whom are Blacks. This calculation means unofficially that 57.2% of the total South African population is not in employment, and as much as only 46.3% of the youths are employed. Again in terms of the number of Blacks against that of the total population, this reflects not only the presence of immense unemployment, but at the same time immense Black poverty.58,80-83

The abovementioned data is further strengthened by official household studies that reflect the average annual income of Whites as R444 446.00 versus that of Blacks as R92 983.00 (with the Indians at R271 621.00 and the Coloureds at R172 983.00). The ratio of this annual income for Whites versus all other South Africans is 2:6, while for Whites versus Blacks it is 2:9.5,58,80-83

These statistics, as with all the others quoted thus far in this subdivision, confirm the permanent cementing of a mass of Blacks in extreme poverty of which they, on their own, ever can escape (and for which they are mostly not responsible). Direct intervention and interferance by the ANC regime to start-up the rehabilitation of this mass of poor Blacks is the only way out. The fastest and most appropriate approach for the propagandists is the present intended land expropriation (based upon the just redistribution of stolen Black land).5,58,80-83

The propagandists contend that AA, EE and BEE did not solve 70% of the total Black population’s tragic poverty between 1994 and 2018. It was too minimal to focus upon the total poverty of the Black masses. Other, better focused and planned immediate solutions, even extraordinary undertakings, are needed to bring about a positive turn-around.5,58,80-83

The further reflection that the Blacks possess only 20% of the South African economy compared to 80% of Whites, notwithstanding that the Blacks having 100% of the political power is a demanding highlight of dissatisfaction by the general Black population that needs to be answered by concrete actions. These actions include land ownership and the right to make a living through farming on the one hand and on the other hand the right to be trained, to have housing and housing property and to be able to work for a decent income and live a good lifestyle. It must be noted that when the BEE-system started in 1994, it was not meant to be a permanent structure to forever empower Blacks: it was aimed at economic upliftment on the one side, and on the other side to make up for the comprehensive derailment brought to Blacks by White political rule over centuries.5,58,80-84

The fact is that BEE did not work properly due to the immense gap between the White haves and the Black have-nots, the mass of unemployment of Blacks, as well as the ongoing comprehensive White empowerment. The maintenance of this gap today is due to ongoing White supremacy and the Whites monopoly of every part of the South African economics and financial world since 1994, with their exclusive White capital, making the dismantling of BEE today impossible. Other measures to rectify the discrepancy between the rich (mostly Whites) and the poor (mostly Blacks) are needed urgently. As already demonstrated many times by the propagandists, land redistribution and the creation of self-sufficient Black farmers, is the best solution. However, the duration of the land expropriation is also unclear: the process and progress of the completion of it will be determined by the start-up level (low or high) of expropriation when it is activated and how intensively it is driven in the future.5,58,80-84 Upkeep-mechanism of Black poverty, inequality, civilisation, dignity and inferiority

Looking at the literature, the references to a discrepancy in terms of wealth and poverty between South Africans, and of a discrepancy in terms of Black and White between South Africans, are prominent. It is further necessary for the propagandists to be enlightened at this stage to support why they think that land expropriation is an immediate must.

Two issues in this regard are intertwined: poverty and inequality (and in the background: landlessness, uncivilisation, indignity and inferiority). The propagandists argue that the White economists and politicians frequently underwrite outdated theoretical views (which some propagandists believe can be an internalised colonial cognition) to see poverty and inequality as separate troubles which also need separate treatments. Bruce85 hereunder tries to prescribe to the ANC regime how to mend not only the country’s racial problems, but also Black poverty as well as inequality85:16:

Why, for instance, are poverty and inequality almost always mentioned in the same sentence as if they were the same thing? A real leader would have sorted that out long ago. If you had the choice, now, to fix either poverty or inequality in South Africa, which would you choose? You can’t do both. They have different causes and, therefore, must have different solutions.

Inequality is caused by the presence of wealth. Poverty is caused by its complete absence. And you surely, surely, fix poverty first.

Bruce’s85 opinion and understanding are totally inappropriate in modern day humanities, economics and politics and reflect a strong antagonists’ standpoint. It is clearly vested in a racially discriminative colonial cognition, which also characterides the thinking in general by the antagonists on the so-called “inability” of the Black race to address today’s political problems effectively with good planning and action, and to bring from the background Black uncivilisation, indignity and inferiority immediately to the foreground. In the present setup of White politics and economics aiming to squash the ANC regime’s intended land expropriation plan, it seems for the propagandists as though the racial and belittling White talks of 1908 to 1909 of Blacks as a specific race during the Convention to found the Union of South Africa, are replayed again and again, to reflect again to-day’s so-called “inferior or uncivilisation” identity of Blacks to again carry out contaminated political planning and action.4 Jan Smuts’s4 Memorandum of Proposals for the formation of the Union reflects the “liberal” Cape politician Merriman’s extreme racial writing to him, echoing this White South African age-old view of Black inferiority. Merriman4 reflects4:18: “…I do not like Natives at all and I wish we had no Black man in South Africa. But there they are, our lot is cast with them by an overruling Providence and the only question is how to shape our course so as to maintain the supremacy of our race and at the same time do our duty.” On this Smuts4 answered in a very similar negative racial tone4:19: “…I sympathise profoundly with the Native races of South Africa whose land it was long before we came here to force a policy of dispossession on them… But I don’t believe in politics for them. Perhaps at the bottom I do not believe in politics at all as a means for the attainment of the highest ends, but certainly so far as the Natives are concerned politics will to my mind only have an unsettling influence.”

Smut’s4 final conclusion upon the role of Blacks in future South Africa describes the fates in 1908 of Blacks and other non-White races and the age-old negative racial indoctrination and contamination of the Whites’ mindsets, which it seems is still today present, when he says4:19: “When I consider the political future of the Natives in South Africa I must say that I look into shadows and darkness; and then I feel inclined to shift the intolerable burden of solving the sphinx problem to the ampler shoulders and stronger brains of the future.” It is this early “darkness”, an economic and political mess created exclusively by Whites – which over many years locked the Blacks into immense poverty and inequality in their daily existence and psyche – that the ANC regime (since 1994) must try to solve in only twenty-five years, after more than three hundreds years of White failure and supremacy. This absolutely needed rectification was in 1994 and is now in 2019 for the propagandists an unattainable outcome to expect from the ANC regime, notwithstanding their best efforts. This is an immensely problematic setup which is “comfortably missed out” today by the antagonists and which they opportunistically describe as the so-called “shortcomings of the Black farmers and the ANC regime” to fulfill their racially driven unrealistic and unreachable aims and masked intentions.4-7

The political naivety of the antagonists upon the comprehensive abilities of today’s Black (which includes their view of the ANC’s abilities) is not only shocking, but also lacks the understanding of the intertwining of poverty and inequality in the complex South African racial society. For the propagandists, the two issues can and must be addressed simultaneously, as the ANC has correctly been doing since 1994. Just because the White politicians and journalists seemingly lack the ability themselves to think analytically and comprehensively, it does not mean that the present day Blacks also lack this ability. Many of the antagonistic White journalists and opinion-makers’ understanding of modern day governance and political transformation is seemingly still caught and steered in the thinking-pattern and political knowledge of Grand Apartheid, which still emphasises utmost White superiority in thinking, planning and action upon behalf of the “inferior” and “uncivilised” Blacks. It is in this racially contaminated cognitive context that the ANC regime’s uplifting of the poor and landless Blacks through the receiving back of White land is attacked.86 For the propagandists, the antagonists today still miss out a century later on JBM Hertzog’s viewpoint of the 1920s when he warns some of the arrogant racial Whites86:195: “… that the time would come when a black skin was no longer a test for uncivilisation and that the Blacks of South Africa would one day politically and physically swamp the white civilisation”. This political rectification is now well-reflected by the “civilised” Ramaphosa’s effort through land expropriation to constructively mend the country’s economic and political mess left by the NP-AB-alliance when they fled the political scene in 1994.

By firstly only addressing so-called Black poverty, as propagated by Bruce85, the propagandists show that the White rich and the White business sectors will economically and politically profit more. This handling will successfully keep Black inequality strongly in place, while at the same time assuring the continuation of Black-poverty (and undoubtedly in the antagonists’ mindsets their contamination of a so-called “Black inferiority and uncivilasation”). The abovementioned naïve political view, specifically his lack of insight into the violating nature of Black-White inequality which is fully intertwined into poverty, is reflected further by Bruce’s85 postulation85:16: “You end poverty in South Africa and you fix everything. It doesn’t mean the end of inequality. But it means the end of our greatest curse – indignity”. For the propagandists this is a laughable and superficial political view. To think that indignity is only locked into poverty is a myth. Inequality holds the same indignity in the activation of hatred in Blacks, as that of poverty: the proto-Afrikaners’ delinquent retro-behaviour up to 1948 and the Afrikaners’ delinquent retro-behaviour up to 1994, as a direct result of their own inequality, coming from the pre-1900s, still brings out today in them today the emotions of indignity and inferiority, long after their poverty and indignity was erased.85

For the propagandists, Ramaphosa’s present approach, specifically his land redistribution to the poor and landless Blacks, is correct: if you change poverty you change inequality, and if you change inequality you change poverty. Cyril Ramaphosa as a Black, living under Apartheid, knows well the intertwining of poverty and inequality as well as the indignity internalised in each. It is only after the poverty, indignity and inequality are fully erased from the mindsets of today’s poor Blacks (and, as already said, this is a process that lives long in the mindset), that the process of economic upliftment of the poor Blacks in Ramaphosa’s land expropriation plan will have a positive impact.85

There is no doubt in the mindsets of the propagandists that the ANC regime knows well the risk of future revolt and anarchy, and that land grabbing instead of land distribution is a reality, if justice is not done.

What the poor and landless Blacks under the guardianship of the ANC now require is the rectification of the immense injustices done to them through Apartheid. Prominent actions, according to some propagandists, required from the ANC, are extreme RET and RST, which include direct and fast land grabbing (which the ANC is not going to do). On the other hand, RET and RST are for some propagandists simply the breaking down of superficial political, economical and human borders (and contaminated political, racial and economicbeliefs) created by Whites over more than three centuries to safeguard their privileges in the country.5,58,80-83,87 This is captured in an extraordinary discriminative phenomenon and experience, overwhelming in its human and psychological destructiveness, which the late Professor Richard van der Ross87 already highlighted in 1979 when he wrote87:92: “To be told by law where to live, whom to marry, with whom to dance, against whom not to play cricket, where to go to school, which university to attend…”.

Enough is enough for most Blacks: the 1994 dispensation and the South African Constitution failed the mass of South Africans. It is clear for the propagandists that through well manipulated emotions around land ownership, and the various hijackings of the economics and the judicial thinking by the so called “good” Constitution since 1994 by White racists and exclusive capitalists, the Whites are still fully governing South Africa at the cost of the non-Whites. This imbalanced and unjustsetup must be rectified with immediate effect, of which the introduction and activation of land-expropriation is the least disruptive and the most just choice. For the propagandists, as shown over and over by them in this article, many antagonists are still caught up in a nationalist Afrikaner racial mindset, beset by false supremacy and empowerment, believing that they can block any form of reform.5 Louw5 describes this mindset of abasement as a5:44: “…doctrine that taught that they are a superior race that does only the ethically correct and good, versus the inferior Black subordinates whose actions were infected with unethical and bad behaviour and an inferior disposition”.

Furthermore, many of the Whites are fighting off the incoming land expropriation not only to keep their enrichments coming from Apartheid and other racial discrimination over 300 years, but also the seeking of a better and more secure position to enlarge these enrichments through more masked political (juridical) empowerment assured to them by the present day unjust Constitution. The antagonists sudden pleading of Minority Procurement (MP), after their many years of the extreme practice of Minority Empowerment (ME), is laughable as well as a surprise. For the Whites, selfishly fighting for MP to further uphold their racial ME there is in a balanced democracy no justified grounds to listen to or to consider this. The antagonists know it well.5

It is clear that the antagonists various “savior and rescuer” organisations, fighting so-called upon behalf of the White farmers and their White land (but in reality for upholding the “old” White racial South Africa and its White exclusive capitalistic models and systems, are losing their battles one by one. In this context it is for the propagandists clear that more than 90% of the White population are ignoring the various exclusive “Afrikaner bodies” like the Freedom Front Plus Party (approximately 166 000 supporters), Solidarity (approximately 350 000 members), and the organisations with minor support such as AfriForum, the Institute of Race Relations, the FW de Klerk Foundation’s Centre for Constitutional Rights, the National Dialogue Initiative (Nasionale Stigting-dialoog Inisiatief or NSDI), the Organisation for Unrepresented Nations and Groups (UNPO) and the Africa-European Indaba. The efforts of religious groups with minority status within the White community to mesmerise the mindsets of a small group of directionless Afrikaners with their false doctrines are in the process of being faded out. All these various antagonistic organisations’ lifespans are at most that of ten years, and are very superficial, directionless, nor viable or sustainable in the new South Africa.23,24,75,88-94

The Ramaphosa land expropriation with the main intention of erasing the poverty and landlessness of a mass of Blacks is also in the process of erasing the pre-1994 racial cognitions and mechanisms cemented into the political minds of some Whites, which are steering their wanton propaganda of Blacks as uncivilised and inferior.

3.2.3. Can the Afrikaners’ military derail South Africa in the future?

In 1994 the incoming ANC was well aware of the military, as well as the political empowerment of the Afrikaners to derail the new dispensation up to the 2000s. This empowerment slowly declined from the first five years after 1994, to end up in the present day in complete political and military disempowerment by the Afrikaners to be able to derail or stop any dramatic land reform. For the propagandists, the Afrikaners and the Whites as populations are in disempowered positions to endanger Ramaphosa’s land reform intentions. The previous mass of Afrikaners who so publically and eagerly underwrote anti-ANC rhetoric and who blocked the ANC physically at every turn in South Africa are today a small segment of minimum importance. The so-called military power of the “nation of the Afrikaners” is just a ghost of the past. Since 1994 the Afrikaner-volk started splitting up in into small, less rigid and less extreme Afrikaner cultural, political and financial bodies. It seems that only a small number, not more than ±300 000 of unhappy and rigid nationalist Afrikaners, mostly from the farming sector and a segment of the exclusive White capitalist sector, as well a small part of the old NP-AB-DRC-alliance, form part of the antagonists. This minority is prominent in their constant efforts to oppose the ANC regime in various ways, as well as to derail and to block Ramaphosa’s intended land expropriation. Since the beginning of 2016, this opposition has become louder and more organised, but seemingly with little success.3-5

The propagandists acknowledge that most individual nationalist Afrikaners have settled into a new South African lifestyle that is completely different from that of their fathers. They have clearly repositioned themselves as individuals, stripped from all the emotional and political rhetoric with which they are falsely bombarded daily by the extreme racial Afrikaner politicians and executive leaders, who are forming the so-called antagonists. The land reform issue is not really a worrying aspect today for most of the ordinary Afrikaners, as what the “saviours” and “rescuers” of the Afrikaners try to present. The 1994 dispensation was indeed a watershed for the Afrikaners of South Africa.5

For the propagandists it is clear that many of the ordinary Afrikaners had to learn to live as individuals inside a new South Africa after 1994. Their old ties with the Afrikaner Nationalist’s “volk” were suddenly cut, erasing blind group loyalty and dogma and the protection of the group’s interests. For the poor and peace-loving individual Afrikaner, it swiftly became clear after 1994 that he would not benefit in any way from the wealth of Afrikaner exclusive capitalist magnates such as the Ruperts, Wieses and Steyns, etc. For the ordinary Afrikaners these exclusive capitalist Afrikaner magnates must save themselves: they have the abilities to get rich on their own and surely also have the abilities to stay rich on their own. At the moment the ordinary Afrikaner is only misused by the exclusive White capitalists in their economic and political self-empowerment, leaving the poor individual Afrikaner in the cold. The same kind of opportunistic “self-centredness” can be said of the farming community who are crying “wolf” about a so-called impending “land grabbing”. Looking closely at the situation, the ordinary Afrikaner never benefited over the years from the farming community or the Afrikaner magnates who now run with the antagonists. He missed out on their many benefits and was nothing more than a springboard and a voter voice to be misused by the Afrikaner/White farmers, politicians and business magnates. With reference to the Afrikaner/White business magnates, the prominent question today for the ordinary Afrikaners and for the propagandists is: why can the ultra-rich White South Africans not be targeted for RET, and thus also especially landv expropriation? Financial data shows that 66 000 South Africans (mostly Whites) are part of the richest 1% in the world, with 40 400 of the world’s 13.6 million ultra-rich and between 38 500 and 45 000 billionaires (mostly White) living in South Africa. The three richest South Africans (Whites) possess more than 50% of the total South Africa riches.5,23,24,75,88-94

About 2.7 million other Afrikaners and more than 4 million Whites in total are completely ignoring the antagonists’ plea for an organised offensive against the current ANC regime. It seems as though most modern day Afrikaners, many of whom are already politically and culturally differently minded to their parents of 40–60 years ago, are driven in their daily lives and future planning by their own life needs, decisions and planning, clearly outside the antagonists’ dogmas and false intentions of so-called “Afrikaner/White rights”. The political intentions to derail or physically obstruct land reform are absent from them. In all honesty, these ± 4 million modern thinking and politically orientated Afrikaners/Whites know that the ± 300 00 antagonists (mostly passively as “co-riders” to the small group of opportunistic Afrikaner/White saviours and rescuers) do not have real political or military power, know-how and the finances “to restore” in any way the nationalist Afrikaners’ so-called “pre-1994 South Africa”. Most of these ±4 million Afrikaners clearly dissociate themselves publically from this racial “pre-1994 South Africa”. They also see the so-called loss of “dignity and rights” that the antagonists allege were taken away from the Afrikaners/Whites by the ANC regime, as false statements and well planned manipulations to mislead the general public upon the truth around the intended land expropriation of Ramaphosa and the ANC.5,23,24,88-95

Another prominent factor which is well known to the ANC regime – making the possibility of a “Boer-revolution” zero – is the hard fact that in 100 years time only between 10 000 to 30 000 Afrikaners/Whites will be left in South Africa. This makes the “pure” Afrikaners/Europeans as a dynamic entity insignificant in a future South Africa and the present-day rescue efforts of the “pure” Afrikaners/Europeans and their exclusive rights by the antagonists a failed effort. Statistics indicate that the Afrikaners may decrease to between 1% and 3% of the total population in 30 to 40 years from now, leaving a remnant of less than 1 million Afrikaners against an estimated 70 million Blacks in South Africa. In 40 years from now their diminishing from the scene as a “population” will be phenomenal.5

With regard to the diminishing numbers of the Afrikaners (and also the Whites) and their move into insignificance, the propagandists maintain that the Afrikaner/White population has already become a so-called “old population”, lacking young people to assure growth. In 2016 the ratio for Black persons under 16 years to persons over 60 years was 100:20, while this ratio for Whites was 100:130. This imbalance will increase over the next five years, as more young Whites are leaving South Africa permanently and the high concentration of the elderly is growing.5

In this context is it also very important for the propagandists to note that not all Afrikaners and Whites agreed with the NP-AB-DRC-Alliance’s racial policy or were ever members of these bodies. Many of these persons always supported a fair and justified South Africa. These so-called “liberal” Afrikaners/Whites do not support the antagonists’ obstructive thinking, planning and action around the intended land expropriation programme. They directly and openly support Ramaphosa’s land expropriation plan.5

From another perspective the propagandists note that the average Afrikaner has become poorer since 1994, making them less of a target through RET for the ANC- egime if they should decideon such a step. In this context the propagandists note that 22% of the total Afrikaner population are 60 years and older: to capture their already constantly diminishing capital through RET will only impoverish these older persons further and make them a direct financial burden for the state. It is thus more and more clear for most of the ordinary Afrikaners, outside the old nationalist Afrikaners’ sick political system and remnants of a corrupt elite, that RET and land grabbing will not be applied to them as the antagonists falsely predict.5,79,95-97

Regarding the antagonistic White farmers’ call to other Afrikaners and Whites for “help against the so-called land grabbing of Ramaphosa”, the propagandists mention in this context that the NP-AB-Alliance themselves long ago dropped the Afrikaner farmer community due to their self-centered intentions – a group who the propagandists see as mostly adhering to the extreme racist thinking of DF Malan, HF Verwoerd and JB Vorster. There has been an enormous decline over the years in the numbers of Afrikaner farmers — they declined from 116 000 in 1950 to more or less 65 000 in 1986, while in 2018 they number ±36,000. As the NP became “politically liberal”, most of the declining number of White farmers (basically due to their diminutive numbers and thus less political empowerment) became unsupportive of the NP and became thus less important as voters. By 1985-1986 the NP turned their attention away from the White farmers to urbanised industrial and business orientated Afrikaners for votes. It is an open question why the ordinary Afrikaners must be supportive to the White farmers in a setup wherein only the White farmers are opportunistically benefitting.5,98

It is clear that land redistribution is not a primary issue for the hard working individual Afrikaner outside the farming sector who had cut his umbilical cord with the “volk” in 1994. The antagonistic White farmers and rich Whites are on their own in fighting their battles with the ANC regime to keep their land and riches. There is no justice in benefitting and favouring more or less 36 000 persons who are not part of the country’s poverty group and who benefitted from racial discrimination, above 29 million landless people, who have livedforever in outmost poverty.5

The ANC regime is well-informed about the present day Afrikaners/Whites’ political empowerment and poor status in the greater Afrikaner/White community. The isolation of the antagonistic group as a very small minority group with limited influence and empowerment in the future South Africa on the one side, and on the other side the majority of Afrikaners/Whites who are not against land reform, make the Afrikaners/Whites as a future political pressure group null and void.

For the propagandists, the antagonistic Afrikaners/Whites as a possible racial, political, economic and military force to derail the ANC regime’s intended land reform, are not a force of which to take note. To allow them to keep and uphold their present exclusive rights at the cost of an immense and growing sector of poor and landless Blacks, is not only unwise and foolish, but a crime against mankind. Immediate land redistribution is thus a must for the propagandists.100-103

3.2.4. The postulations: Almost all victims of land dispossession are been compensated according to relevant circumstance, versus expropriation of land without compensation which has been tried in communist regimes where it has harvested riches for a few and devastation for everyone else

The remarks by Opperheimer42 that42:18:“…almost all victims of land dispossession have been compensated, which is worked out according to relevant circumstances…”, and that42:18: “…expropriation without compensation has been tried in communist regimes, where it has harvested riches for a few and devastation for everyone else…”, needs in the propagandists opinion, serious attention, basically for two main reasons. Firstly, the superficial and well-planned distraction by the antagonists of the attention from their upholding of White empowerment and their exclusive model of capitalism (the same approach the antagonists follow in all their presentations to create discontent around the intended land expropriation programme), and secondly, the total misleading of the public on the ANC regime’s good intention to soften the immense poverty among more than 29-million Blacks left by the racial pre-1994 regimes. Above all stands the Afrikaners’/Whites’ bloody, merciless and vicious political history of land grabbing inside their own RET since 1652, which has seemingly been completely erased from their mindset by political Alzheimers. The growing disregard for truth by the antagonists in their practice of politics in the present day South African setup is a point of concern for the propagandists, especially by the passivity of the media to the Black setup.5,29,31,42,103-105

Firstly, in presenting his argument, it is clear that Opperheimer’s42 mind became fixated upon extraordinary and singular political cases such as those of Stalin, Mao and Mugabe, totally unrelated to present day South African politics, and the intentions and the management of the ANC regime thereof. Looking at all three of these cases of land grabbing (and comparing them to the present land expropriation plan of the ANC), there is a prominent similarity: the fact that the elites (the rich, the massive land owners, the vicious political and economically empowered masters and exclusive capitalists) of the three countries’ populations, who later fell prey to outright land grabbing, were groups who over time through their political empowerment viciously suppressed the lower socio-economic groups and stole land over long periods. Most notabe in these empowerments are the Tsar and his nobles in Russia, the Emperor and his royals in China and Cecil John Rhodes and the British Empire’s men in Zimbabwe (the old Rhodesia). Initial requests and pacific efforts to reform Russia by the Bolsheviks, China by the Maoists and Zimbabwe by the Mugabits, were blindly ignored and suppressed by the elite in order to uphold their wealth, rights and privileges. In Zimbabwe, the requests of the Mugabe regime to the White land owners for the free transfer of their redundant land to the poor Blacks were fought with court cases. In addition, there were no efforts by the Smith regime to compensate the Black victims for their land which was stolen by the White British colonialists, or to uplift the poor and landless Blacks. In all three cases most notable is the fact that the land was stolen. Indeed, in all three cases, land grabbing was further accompanied by the murder of the elite landowners.5,29,31,42,103-105

The abovementioned situation’s comprehensive tragic setup and the contaminated elements of human disrespect by the elite landowners, as well as the vicious behaviour of the elite landowners is totally ignored by Opperheimer in his contention regarding the rightness of the constitutional dispensation of 1994 and its guarantee of ongoing exclusive capitalism and land ownership in South Africa by the post-1994 democracy. Furthermore, human rights and justice became only institutional values after 1994 in South Africa for Opperheimer42, with the contaminated pre-1994 political history absent from his mindset. Land grabbing, as a selective form of revenge, was for the propagandists in all three of the cases a normal predicted outcome, after the failiure to activate through the elite themselves correction of their wrongdoings, so as to cleanse the past’s immense injustice and most of all, the breaking down of resistance by the elite to activate reform in order to benefit the mass of the poor. If this had not occurred, namely the cruel phasing out of the elites in the three countries, theywould undoubtedly still be ruled today by small groups of exclusive capitalists with a political leadership of empowerment, based exclusively upon dictators, autocrats and fascists. For the propagandists, the extreme political outcomes in Russia, China and Zimbabwe are exactly what the ANC regime is trying to avoid here with a peaceful and orderly land transfer before the mass of poor and landless overtake the present government with radicalism.5,29,31,42,103-105

The propagandists maintain that the South African White regimes and their inhabitants from 1652 to 1994 never compensated their ancestors’ Black victims for the masses of land stolen or the atrocities committed (very much in line with the behaviour of the unrepentant elites of Russia, China and Zimbabwe). During the pre-1994 period, the antagonists labelled anyone who dared to oppose the White capitalists and Afrikaner political system and thinking, as “communists”, “terrorists” and “traitors”, mostly accompanied by the incarceration (and often murder) of these dissidents. The post-1994 antagonists still today use the old trick of the NP-AB-alliance by classing anyone opposing their policy communists or so-called “Chinese and Russian parrots and followers” who intend to transfer South Africa in line with Russia and China into a totalitarian, communist state.5,29,31,42,103-105

Opperheimer’s42 postulation that42:18: “…almost all victims of land dispossession have been compensated”, which is worked out according to relevant circumstances…,” is false. In South Africa, the Whites’ land grabbing began the moment Jan van Riebeeck put his feet on South African soil, without until today any compensation to “all the initial victims and their descendants”. It seems as though Opperheimer’s42 above postulation of “relevant circumstances” means that when the land was stolen by the Whites from non-Whites, the “clause of compensation” was not applicable.42

Above reference by Opperheimer42 that private owners must be compensated, reflects arrogance and ignorance. A simple and strait answer to nullify today’s Whites’ call for compensation of their so-called land under the intended land expropriation without compensation, is the balancing of costs to their Black victims by the Whites’ early land grabbing without compensation. For the propagandists the present day White land owners do not deserve any compensation, firstly seeing that most of them and their forefathers stole their present land mostly by land- terrorism and bloodshed since 1652; and secondly because the intended land expropriation will be done in an orderly manner, with justice and moderation, and not based upon the pre-1994 land grabbing under Whites.3,5-7

How much Opperheimer42 missed the good intentions of the ANC regime (and of course the true political history, particularly the Whites’ land grabbing) to bring about with its intended land reform plan inclusive capital, is well illustrated for the propagandists by his confused postulation42:18: “…expropriation without compensation has been tried in communist regimes, where it has harvested riches for a few and devastation for everyone else…”. Firstly, if the ANC regime wanted to change South Africa into a communist regime, it could have done so shortly after 1994. Secondly, South Africa will never change to a communist state, and its intended land redistribution is not based upon communism, but upon balanced and justified democracy wherein the voice of the majority is paramount. Thirdly, the immense land grabbing characterising the South Africa political history of 1652 to 1994 was not executed by so-called “communists” to “enrich a few communist leaders”, but by so-called Christian and democratically orientated Afrikaners/Whites to42:18: “…harvest riches for a few and devastation for everyone else…”. In this context of harvesting riches for a few, 5 million Whites stand against the devastating poverty of a mass of ±45 million Blacks!

The present day amnesia of Whites of their own and their ancestors’ delinquent actions and roles in the tragic political history of South Africa, wherein land grabbing and murderare central – delinquent actions well-planned, activated and steered by the Netherlanders, the British, the proto-Afrikaners and the later Afrikaners – is surprising. The many lies and myths offered today by the antagonists to cover up the immense political delinquencies of Whites are thus not surprising for the propagandists. Mthombothi31 diagnoses this “memory malfunction” of South African Whites well when he writes31:17:

It is understandable at times, especially in the heat of political battle, that there would be different interpretations of what happened or what was said, but nobody is entitled to their own facts. There’s been a lot of rewriting of history lately by people who seem incapable of either reading or writing, especially those who never witnessed such events first-hand, and

Lies and falsehoods often have dire political consequences. Those who know the truth should have the courage to speak up.

For the propagandists, White South Africans’ own RET (specific that of the Afrikaners) from 1652 to 1994 was so immense and of such a spectrum that it can never be but into monetary value, a psychological perspective or the counting of lives. It can only be described as a tragedy, far worse than the modern day Rwanda genocide and chaos.

Opperheimer’s42 postulations that almost all victims of land dispossession have been compensated, according to relevant circumstance, and that expropriation of land without compensation has been tried in communist regimes where it has harvested riches for a few and devastation for everyone else, are inappropriate to apply to the post-1994 ANC regime. When looking at the pre-1994 White regimes’ action, then the postulations are fully applicable.

3.2.5. Is the ANC’s need for land reform insignificant and driven by few opportunistic politicians?

The postulation by the antagonists, reading42:18: “…barring a few opportunistic politicians, almost no-one views land reform as a burning issue…”, reflects for the propagandists the intense confusion and the distancing of the antagonists of themselves from the broad South African news, especially the reporting upon the immense dissatisfaction of Blacks about their landlessness and poverty. Mthombothi’s31 reference to these “fact-blind” antagonists as31:17:“…people who seem incapable of either reading or writing”, is very meaningful. For the propagandists this is very descriptive and declares to a certain extent the antagonists’ constant illogical and unintelligible attacks on the ANC’s good intentions to bring about a bettered life for all South Africans by land redistribution. It seems as though the antagonists are totally mesmerised and struck blind and cognitively frozen by their own untrue White political propaganda upon the land issue, turning “White” myths and lies into “false” facts. Looking carefully at how the antagonists position their “facts” with the statement42:18: “land reform is not a burning issue”, to make their arguments, opinions and viewpoints “respectable” and “true” (but totally based upon untested research and evidence) and as if it is issued by “experts,” so as to influence the public’s mindset with the wanton cognition that the ANC regime’s land expropriation intention is evily disposed, it becomes clear that misleading statements have with time overcome the antagonists’ mindsets, limiting their ability to distinguish between right and wrong.31,42

Rapport106 reported on the 23rd September 2018 that land reform is seen by only 4% of Black voters, 11% of White voters and an average of 6% (White and Black) of the population as a top priority to be addressed. (The research statistic is seemingly obtained from a probe by the firm Victory Research of a said Ryan Coetzee).106

When looking to the initial outcomes of the parliamentary countrywide testing of the public’s opinion on the change to Section 25 of the Constitution, the results show that there is, contrary to the results of Victory Research106, a strong public support reflected by their testimonies showing an immense demand for land reform, even drastic land grabbing. There is an emphasis in these testimonies that the land belonging presently to Whites was stolen since 1652 to 1994 from Blacks, and indeed that land expropriation must immediately be activated. As much as 40% and higher of the presentations support some form of land reform and land grabbing as a form of compensation (against the average of the Victory Research of only 6%). This nullifies the Victory Research finding. In addition, an analysis of the reports of independent journalists upon opinions of Black sack-dwellers countrywide on the need for immediate land expropriation, show an immense need for drastic land reform and the execution of a policy of land grabbing from Whites. These outcomes oppose the Victory Research’s findings that the present ownership of land and the transfer of White land in terms of the intended expropriation plan is a matter of insignificance. Secondly, the question for the propagandists here is about the reliability and objectivity of the Victory Research to be able to evaluate scientifically in terms of trustworthiness. The propagandists ask whether there is any direct association between Coetzee106, Victory Research and the antagonists. Pelser106, editor of Rapport, writes pertinently that the study was specifically done by Victory Research for the South African Institute of Racial Relations (IRR), bringing thus the position and role of the IRR106 in the present antagonists’ attacks on the land reforms of the ANC prominently to the foreground.

Literature upon the present fight against land expropriation shows that the IRR stands central as one of the so-called Afrikaner/Whites rescuer and saviour organisations and a body which stands directly and hostilely to the ANC’s land reform. Musyoka106, specific to this context, classes these organisations, in terms of the two opposing role-players representing various subgroups each on the land matter, as the conservative nationalists (right-wingers), ranging from the centre-right DA, agriculture-based associations – most of which represent the interests of white commercial farmers – to far-right groups such as the Freedom Front Plus and solidarity groups such as AfriForum. This clear association of political or personal and group interests contaminates the IRR’s impartiality. The IRR’s commissioning of Victory Research and the prominence of the Afrikaans media’s reference to the so-called “shockingly low number” of only 4% of Blacks’ concern on the land matter makes the findings of Victory Research for the propagandists null and void. Reading with this the fact that only an insignificant number of 978 respondents (voters) out of a potential 35 million voters were consulted, the whole IRR exercise is for the propagandists a well planned manipulation.7,106

The strength of the antagonists’ first postulation, namely that “there is not a need to effect land expropriation”, was finally totally erased on the 4th December 2018 when 209 MPs voted in favour (with only 91 votes against and zero abstentions) to amend the Constitution to effect land expropriation without compensation.107-109

This outcome also nullifies further the antagonists’ other arrogant postulation, namely that42:18: “… barring a few opportunistic politicians, almost noone views land reform as a burning issue…”. The fact that as many as 209 MPs, the so-called “few opportunistic politicians” in terms of Oppenheimer’s42 factless argument – counting 118 more than the 91 MPs supporting the antagonists’ viewpoint of no land expropriation without compensation – have voted for land expropriation without compensation, confirm the immense impact that the land issue has upon the ordinary people as well as the political leaders of the country. For the propagandists, land expropriation without compensation (limited in certain cases) is a reality and is irreversible. Although the antagonists seemingly intend to obstruct through court action the ANC regime’s intended amendment of the Constitution, the propagandists believe that they face failure. In Zimbabwe the White farmers followed the same path of legal obstruction of land expropriation, only to be demolished in the end.107-109

▲The present voting in the National Assembly where the 209 MPs voted in favour and 91 MPs against the amendment, reflecting a 69.6% in favour (which is 3% above the two-thirds majority), is reflected hereunder22,47,110-113:

For a change to the Constitution, a two-thirds majority is needed in parliament and an approval from six of the nine provinces, while the ordinary Bill on Expropriation that is serving before parliament at the moment only needs an approval vote of 50% by the parliament. Two sections of the Constitution will have to be amended – 25 and 31. Section 25 is applicable to the property clause that allows for expropriation, and 31 is the limitations clause that outlines when rights, to, for example, property, can be limited. Although a two-thirds parliamentarian majority is needed to Section 25 (Article 25) of the Constitution, it ultimately depends upon a 75% parliamentarian majority vote as guided by Article 74(1) of the Constitution. To change the Constitution the amendment must be approved and accepted by the National Assembly, after which the concept amendment must also be considered and accepted by the National Council for Provinces. Laws aimed at streamlining the expropriation process without constitutional changes are the Employment Equity Act, the Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment Act and Codes, the Skills Development Act, the Levies Act and the Preferential Procurement Policy Framework Act. These legislations are supported by for instance the National Development Plan and the Black Industrialist Programme. Land expropriation in terms of democratic principles and African empowerment, is clearly described by Section 25(2)(b) of the Constitution, while the redistribution of agricultural land is further partially covered in the Agri BEE codes.

From a critical evaluation point, the propagandists’ sense worrying characteristics in the present day actions of many of the antagonistic organisations. For the propagandists, AfriForum’s mediaconference in April 2018 in Centurion about their looking for international support against the changes to the Constitution and the planned land-redistribution shows AfriForum’s total lack of understanding of the working of democracy and international opinion and empowerment to bring changes in countries. This also reflect their foolishness in determining who were the prominent role-players who changed South Africa in the 1980s from a White autocracy for Whites only to a Black democracy for all South Africans: the international community! (This is demonstrated by Donald Trump’s fast turnaround after his initial criticism of Ramaphosa’s land reform, to support it in the end).114

The propagandists agree that political criticism is good, but not one-sided, manipulated White-criticism thoughtout steered by the antagonists to incite political delinquency. For the propagandists, AfriForum and many of its White associates lack patriotism and a love for their South African bastard fatherland. Most of the White antagonists, as are mostly everyone in South Africa, are from long ago not White or Non-White, Black or non-Black, Colored or non-Colored: they are the Bastards of South Africa. Land redistribution must be seen in this reality: every bastard of South Africa must be in some way the owner of land. That is a bastard’s legal right, at least from 2019.114

In light of the above ongoing foolish arguments, assumptions and manipulations by the antagonists as a group, it is the view of the propagandists that the political empowerment of groups like AfriForum, Solidarity and the IRR and many of their leaders’ unconscious and conscious rigid racial bias must be wrenched away from them. They endanger South Africa more than any land redistribution can do. It seems for the propagandists that without the activation of affirmative laws, bringing about BEE and land redistribution, the White privileged classes will never that Blacks have competence and skills and can be responsible land owners. Bias, conscious and unconscious, is alive and well in South Africa.115 Haffajee115 sumsit up well115:2: “Apartheid injured them [Afrikaners] too, by making them blind to anything except that which looked like them. Apartheid, designed to promote Afrikaner interests and to maintain Anglo-Saxon corporate interests, required not only oppression but active bias, and it lingers because it is intergenerational, since sons learn from their fathers”.

Looking to the easy influencing of some Afrikaners/Whites at present by the antagonists, planting suspicion of the ANC’s planned land redistribution, it seems as though many of these antagonistic Afrikaners have never outgrown their political and socio-economic immaturity, which the leaders of the NP-AB-DRC-alliance so effectively used to cloud the nationalist Afrikaners’ mindsets with racism and to steer the practice of Apartheid.116-118

For the propagandists, there are still too many persons in AfriForum, Solidarity, the DA and IRR, with their roots in the late AWB, who are mimicking the nationalist Afrikaners “tough” but failed actions of the “Stormjaers of the Ossewa-Brandwag” of a century ago in their present foolish driving of so-called Afrikaner interests and the maintainanceof Anglo-Saxon corporate interests. They are as blind as their fathers when it comes to the immediate demanding realities and interests of land redistribution by their fatherland, bastard South Africa.5

The propagandists wonder if it is not time that the South African Government starts to take a more critical look on the ideologies of the many false prophets of doom on land redistribution and RET, and whether their actions are not equal to sabotage.

Land redistribution is a burning issue which needs to be addressed immediately, to prevent anarchy, mass unrest and revolution before or just after the 2019 General Election. How lucky South Africa has been in the last five years to escape revolution, when 29 million of its people, out of a total of 55 million, live in utmost poverty. Ramaphosa sees that revolution is here and tries to erase it by his constructive land reform policy.116-118

The ANC shows that the need for land reform is significant and is driven by a mass of Black citizens and Black politicians of status.

3.2.6. Unsupportive and wavering DA in land reform

With regard to the two prominent political parties’ active in South African politics, namely the ANC and the DA, is it clear for the propagandists that it is only the ANC which plays a prominent role in the promotion of land expropriation, specifically without compensation in certain cases. With regard to this promotion of the population’s welfare and interests, the DA is for most propagandists very passive and unattached. The propagandists see the DA today as the 1999 Tony-Leon-party, which openly called upon Whites and supporters of the apartheid era’s National Party to vote with one single aim against Nelson Mandela’s ANC: to secure absolutely the interests of Whites. For the propagandists, the DA has still today an absolutely obstructive approach to anything that looks anti-capitalist (specifically exclusive capitalism) and anti-White.117,119

The DA’s inconsistent policy initially publically opposing BEE, other forms of affirmative action and land redistribution, versus their later masked ongoing adoption of the ANC policies on issues such as broad based BEE and affirmative action, has been a catastrophe, alludes Grindrod119. He writes119:14: “What is the point of voting for an opposition that largely replicates government policy? It takes a lot more than vague policy statements and sound bites to attract voters.”

The DA, as a so-called “Black obstructive party”, is captured by its rich and influencial Whites leaders, members and supporters. For the propagandists, it is the DA’s segment of Whites who are the creators of most of the anti-Black politics and actions today. Excellent examples here are the unrelenting yapping in parliament by the DA’s leaders such as John Steenhuisen against every action of the ANC regime, Helen Zille’s inappropriate comments about colonialism and Mmusi Maimane’s recent remarks about White privileges in South Africa.116,117,120-126

To further illustrate the DA’s constant unfocussed and superficial attacks on the ANC and Ramaphosa, Grindrod119 writes119:14: “Very little of its outputs articulate solutions or alternatives, for the larger part it simply exists to criticise. A year after Zuma’s resignation, it is still on its Stop Zuma campaign. If Zuma does not exist, the DA would have to invent him.”

Enlightening specifically the DA’s ongoing inconsistance on BEE, affirmative action and land redistribution, etc., since 1994, blocking the direct bettering of the mass of poor and landless Blacks, Grindrod119 writes119:14:

SA, however, has been very poorly served by the official opposition. The DA over the past two years has floundered in terms of both style and substance. We have witnessed a lot of rhetoric, media stunts and theatrics, but little to inspire us to elect Mmusi Maimane as president of the republic this year. This has largely allowed the ANC a free pass to perpetuate the mediocrity, corruption and mismanagement we have suffered.

In its frantic efforts to be all things to all people, the DA is pleasing very few. Its much-vaunted takeover of metros such as Joburg and Tshwane in 2016 came only as a result of an unholy alliance with the EFF,.a wholly unprincipled move that illustrated hunger for power at any cost to its claimed values.

The self-inflicted misfortunes of the DA can be directly attributed to three factors: weak leadership, abandonment of its founding principles, and a failure to understand that South Africans are looking for a change in direction, not just PR branding. As a result, its right flank is bleeding off to AfriForum (via COPE) and the FF Plus, its left flank is marching back to Ramaphosa’s revitalised ANC, and its centre is a shrinking mass of grudge voters with nowhere else to go.

They have become a motley group of naysayers and Afro-pessimists. I sometimes think they relish it when our country falls short. In some perverse way it may affirm their smug “told you so” attitude. The party should oppose the government by any means, but that does not mean it should talk down our country in the process.

The abovementioned obstructive thinking and action by the official opposition not to constructively support good projects with merit, or at least oppose the government on matters and give clear facts for their objection, give a good understanding for the propagandists as to why some of meritorious projects of the ANC regime failed since 1994 to get through parliament. The failure to write a mandate on just and balanced land ownership within a focused and sincere political setup with the DA, as the ANC tried to do over a long time, was just such an unfortunate outcome. This has lead to today’s negative build-up countrywide around the land matter. Drastic land redistribution, outside the passive and disconnected DA policy, is now forced on Cyril Ramaphosa as an unavoidable must. For the propagandists, it is the DA, with its exclusive whitish interests, which is going to be the loser at the 2019 election box, and not the ANC regime which the DA is putting constant under attack.62,117,119120,126-129

The propagandists see the DA as totally unsupportive and wavering in the establishment of just land reform. They believe that the present interests of the poor and landless Blacks are secondary for the DA, and that the party with its well planned delaying, wavering and obstructive actions, is a role-player in the maintenance since 1994 of the mass of poor and landless Blacks.

3.2.7. Is South Africa’s Bill of Rights much lauded nationally and internationally?

To plead innocent about the devastating faults of the South African Bill of Rights with rhetoric by the antagonists such as42:18: “We have an internationally lauded constitution premised upon freedom, dignity, and equality. We have never altered our Bill of Rights and the evidence shows that there is no reason to do so now”, is for the propagandists a further admission of guilt by them that they do not understand the indigenous realities of South Africa and are indeed unprepared to become true Africans.

For the propagandists, the antagonists’ underwriting and promoting of the 1994 Constitution as statutorily excellent, is evidence of a self-appointed European supremacy, as in pre-1994 South Africa, to be able to ignore democracy, human rights and other demanding realities within South Africa. They see the basis of this thinking, planning and action as to assure further benefits and to safeguard the interests of the small White minority. These interests of the pre-1994 suppressors’ interests and their future are still paramount, while leaving the interests of masses of deprived Blacks in the cold.5,26,74,130

The Bill of Rights is incomplete for the propagandists. They have no doubt that the Constitution’s primary aim was to exclusively serve the White politics and economics for a long time after 1994.

Evidence shows that there is a good reason now to change Section 25 of the Constitution, allowing various forms of land expropriation, so as to address the pressing demands of poverty and unemployment of the mass of Blacks. In this statutory planning to change Section 25, the propagandists maintain that there is undoubtedly no intention by the ANC regime to alter the South African citizens’ freedom, dignity and equality. The only aim is to improve the Bill of Rights to serve the South African citizens appropriately. To offer praise by the antagonists for the so-called42:18: “… international lauding of the Constitution”, is to infer that its contents are accepted worldwide as absolutely “good” and as such cannot or may not be changed, is out of context and lacks reality. . The fact that the ANC regime, with their voting to activatea change to the Constitution, obtained a 69.6% favourable vote, confirms the antagonists’ lack of reality and their outdated thinking “on behalf” of the Blacks in the New South Africa. For the propagandists, the antagonists seem to be increasingly “blind and deaf strangers”, lost in their own darkness in South Africa.7,42,107-109

Firstly, the question for the propagandists is who are these international persons lauding the 1994 Constitution? Praise here, is for the propagandists undoubtedly from the White international capitalists who shamelessly exploit/ed pre- and post-1994 the South African economics through shares and foreign owning of land. In this context, their masterly political manipulation through the antagonists as activists’ groups to safeguard their interests is clear. The truth for the propagandists is that these persons prefer an exclusive foreigner-right in South Africa, through an even exclusive foreign-orientated Constitution, allowing with them into the country’s land ownership and capital.130

Secondly, for the propagandists, the question is cleverly watered down by the antagonists in terms of who must really be favoured by the Constitution: is it not the South African inhabitants, especially the poor Blacks, who form the mass majority?

Thirdly, upon evaluation of the phrase: “international lauding”, meaning undoubtedly excellence and integrity, the propagandists contend that Israel’sconstitution is also a so-called “international laudatory” one, as evident from the USA, the UK and France’s acknowledgement of it, while it is arguably one of the most suppressive ones in the world. It’s is an “Israel Apartheid”, allowed by the Western world to continueundisturbed, to commit war crimes, genocide and land grabbing from the Arabs since 1948 (Al Nakba). The classification or status of “international lauding” of the South African Constitution by the antagonists is hereto for the propagandists undoubtedly applicable only when a Constitution exclusively suites Western countries’ corrupt interests, while it devastates at the same time the interests and rights of the poor, indigenous people. Although most of this type of “Israeliconstitutional contamination” was expelled in 1994 from South Africa, are there still elements of contamination in the country’s Bill of Rights which must be rectified. The beginning of its “healing”, according to the propagandists, can be seen in the recent overwhelming Parliament vote in the National Assembly to begin with the process to “repair” the 1994 Constitution, to bring back land ownership to the lawful people and to erase the immense poverty, inequality and unemployment of Blacks.5,7,131,132

In perspective, South Africa’s Bill of Rights is not really lauded nationally and internationally. This is simply “fake news”.

3.2.8. Altering of Section 25 will block and damage South Africa’s local and foreign economics?

To argue, as many antagonistic White-capitalists do that42:18: “The alteration of Section 25’s would block the country’s flourishing economy and that foreign investors won’t risk having their land confiscated when they can pick any number of other nations that will protect their investments”, is a foolish argument. The propagandists note that indigenous land is in the first place not meant for foreigners to possess and to make money from. In South Africa’s troubled poverty, profits must be transferred back to the inhabitants. If foreigners can make a good living on South African land and be successful as entrepreneurs and farmers, so can South African Blacks make agood living on the land and be successful as entrepreneurs and farmers. There is more than enough South African capital internally available to aactivate a start-up of large scale Black-farming.133

The false concept of the introduction of so-called “good” by foreigners to the country through their ownership of South African soil, is in the mindset of the propagandists created solely by the White minority who own masses of land and their association with the outside White communities, who are really not worried about the short and long term interests of the Black community. The ownership by foreign elements, such as the Jews, of land from the 1900s in Germany and Russia, was one of the direct reasons for the Holocaust, which led to the murder of approximately 10 million Jews. To allow further unlimited foreigners into South Africa as land owners, will only aggravate the present day conflict around land ownership and can easily lead to a “South African Holocaust of foreigners and Whites” in the near future. How the antagonists’ oppose some form of curbing future foreign investments and land ownership, even citizenship, is not new in South Africa: South African White political leaders such as DF Malan, HF Verwoerd, JBM Hertzog and JC Smuts, put such a block into practice in the 1930s on the Jews fleeing the Nazis to South Africa, without any negative international impact on the economics or activating a political backlash. (Smuts to the contrary, after the 1930s became an imminent world leader, respected worldwide). The Malan-clan did the same on a full scale locally with Apartheid to the Blacks from 1948, again without any internationally financial backlash. It must also be noted that South Africa’s political and economic associations are today far less intertwined with the “extreme Western democracies” such as the USA and the UK, but are directed and steered by the political thinking and action of their BRICS partners, which are less of hypocritical “ultra-democracies”.5

On the so-called immense negative impact that the ANC’s land reform can activate, the economic adviser of the Optimum Group, Dr. Roelof Botha133 (a son of the late ex-minister Pik Botha of the NP), states that foreign investments are not playing nearly such an important role as our local investments: in the last three years, foreign investments only amounted to an average of 0.7% of South Africa’s annual gross inland produce (GIP). The unimportance of a contingent of foreign investors is also well reflected by the decline of direct foreign investments of R76 billion in 2008 to only R17.6 billion in 2017. Inland investments (local capital-forming) are thus far more important than foreign investments which the White politicians within the antagonists try to reflect as an absolute pre-requisite not to become another Venezuela or Zimbabwe. It confirms that South Africa can develop immensely without foreign investments. It also means that land redistribution, even in its most ugly form, will not necessarily devastate the country’s economy, as many of the financial prophets of doom, especially from the White side, predict. Furthermore, it is kept silent by the antagonists that the intended land expropriation is not going to be radical, in line with nationalising the Whites’ assets. In this context it is important to reflect back to Haffejee’s50;8 description of the land expropriation plan: only certain categories of land like abandoned buildings, unutilised land, commercial property held unproductively and purely for speculative purposes, under-utilised property owned by the state, and land farmed by labour tenants with an absentee titleholder will be expropriated. There is also no intention by Ramaphosa to block foreigners from the ownership of land. This was a Zuma theoretical “delinquency”.50,133,135

For Opperheimer42 to also speak of a flourishing economy to exist in South Africa today is a little bit overdone. (See again the above reference: the direct foreign investments were in 2017 only R17.6 billion against the R76 billion in 2008). Regarding the effort of Ramaphosa to attract new foreign investments per se of R1 200 billion is praiseworthy, but not the end of the road if it is not reached. If this foreign investment is to be based upon an exclusive land ownership wherein rich foreigners or White South Africans are the main role-players and policy makers, then South Africa’s masses of landless poor Blacks are doomed. It will be a replay for the propagandists ten-fold of Apartheid’s wrongdoings of 1948 to 1994. Such an outcome is unacceptable for the propagandists and will not be agreed upon or allowed by the ANC regime before or after the 2019 Election. It must be noted that the securing of abnormal foreign investment in the unstable political setup which the ANC regime inherited from the NP regime, and which needs at least another 25 to 50 years to rectify, is risky for the State, given the danger of financial overpowering by foreign powers, as the Russians tried to do to South Africa with their nuclear deal. South Africa does have the internal riches in the form of minerals, human capacity and money, to make a positive growth if the country’s human potential can develop through political and economic actions, like land redistribution to uplift the poor and the landless. The propagandists believe for this correction, the country urgently needs Ramaphosa and his land reform.42,135

That the South African so-called “flourishing economy of 2018” will be devastated by land reform as Opperheimer42 tries to reflect, is wishful thinking, which again characterises the antagonists’ many wanton actions to damage the ANC regime’s and Ramaphosa’s improvement of the dire poverty of the Blacks. The impact of land expropriation will not devastate the economy in the long term, because the implementation thereof will be kept inside the initial December 2017 Nasrec-resolutions of the ANC, which exclude extreme land expropriation like land grabbing. For the propagandists it is the intention of the ANC regime to channel national capital into the country’s development through land expropriation (and vice versa), not only to fast erase the poverty associated with the poor and landless Blacks, but to turn these poor Blacks also into independent financial generators as effective Black farmers to be able to contribute to the inland investments. With this new political and economical stability in the poor Black sector, a rise in the economy, more jobs, as well as a rise in foreign investments, can follow five years from now.42,135

3.2.9. Restructuring of South Africa’s colonial financial structure and land ownership

Taking into account the present day South African economy in general (local and foreign) which the ANC regime inherited from the basically bankrupt NP -regime in 1994 and still has to struggle with, the propagandists show that this political, social and economical setup is unfortunately part of a colonial financial structure and land ownership which dates back to long before Apartheid. The ANC is indeed in the process of addressing the exploitations that are inherent to this system, like the imbalanced and unjustice land ownership which is located in White hands.50,59135-138

For the propagandists, notwithstanding how the antagonists try to denying it at all costs, South Africa is today, as in 1795 with the first kind of proto-Afrikaner self-rule, still being governed by a self-serving White minority who is mostly seated in the White business and financial sector, including a strong foreign component. The antagonists, especially those coming from the White business and agricultural sectors, are seen by the propagandists to be an inclusive part of thss self-serving White minority, still awarded with colonial empowerment to be able to think, plan and do for the mass of poor and landless Black South Africans. The importance of foreign capital, as reflected by the antagonists, and their allegation that the impact of the land expropriation is going to destroy it, is untrue. So far the antagonists have failed to offer a trustworthy report to confirm the negative impact of the intended land expropriation on foreign investments or on the age-old colonial farming setup.50,59,135-138

It must be remembered that 2015 was a milestone for post-Apartheid South Africa, writes Tsotetsi.138 As a water-shed it brought to the foreground not only lingering governmental and nation questions and incompleteness coming from pre-1994, but also demands for the equaling of citizen rights after 24 years of democracy. It was the start-up of the total “decolonisation” of the New South Africa, wherein the Blacks’ land ownership was central and that of foreigners secondary. Tsotetsi138 writes138:21: “That word – “decolonisation” – is one that’s been uttered, shouted and written about many times. It’s the spirit of the Fallism, which I understand as a movement that, at its core, is about taking charge of our present so that we can be more in control of our future”; and: “It was about reclaiming a country that hasn’t felt like ours in our lifetimes or in those of our parents, or of their parents, and maybe even of their parents’ parents”. Tsotetsi138 can, in this context, with right postulate that the Freedom Charter fails the landless poor Blacks because it states that South Africa belongs to all who live in it (Blacks as well as White foreigners). It was never fully positioned with the majority of Blacks at the centre. Notwithstanding their political liberty awarded in 1994, the majority of Blacks are disenfranchised economically, socially and even politically due to their faulty 1994 Constitution wherein the land matter was never clearly spelled out and which the antagonists now are misusing around the so-called blocking of foreign investments. This, state the propagandists, is precisely the correction which the ANC regime wants to effect with land expropriation and why decolonialisation of South Africa is an absolute neccessity.138

For the propagandists many of the Whites of 2018 in South Africa are undoubtedly missing their centuries old colonial political “White privileges”, like their domination of the Black population, White land lordships and the benefits of an exclusive White farming economy. In the upholding of these privileges (or at least a last effort to uphold it) the South African Whites need the direct backing of White and Western foreigners (and their governments) through their investments here, forcing these foreigners, through fear created by the antagonists of land grabbing and nationalisationg, to get active with the antagonists in fighting the ANC’s so-called land reform. In this context of ongoing White economic empowerment, the propagandists show that notwithstanding there are only 2.8 million Afrikaners left in South Africa (representing just 8% of the total population), they, although White-rule ended 25 years ago, are still beingappointed in 72% of the country’s top executive managerial posts in the private sector, in spite of the fact that they only take up 5.6% of the workforce. [Joblessness for Whites is at 7%, while the country’s national statistics reflect 26.7% (which can be 55% and higher for Blacks)].59,135

Further contradicting the antagonists’ profile of a so-called failed ANC regime and that its land reforming is going to be a further mass failure to endanger the investments of foreigners and to close the door for them, the chair of Naspers, Koos Bekker, is of the opinion that there was more prosperity created from 1994 to 2018 (25 years) by the ANC-regime, as in the 300 years up to 1994 by the various White regimes (This financial improvement is also reflected for the post-1994 Whites’ prosperity and demonstrates why foreigners are so eager to invest here, notwithstanding the antagonists’ many false doom stories). Outstanding here is the evidence that for the period before 1994, the Whites were the greatest beneficiaries (although a minority), while post-1994 , for the first time the advent of riches to Blacks, began to slowly cut down on the Whites’ sole right to riches. These benefits were also extened to foreigners (mostly White Westerners) for pre- as well as post-1994 South Africa. What land expropriation will bring for foreigners after 2019 is the same cutting down of their riches as for local Whites, simply because the sole right to the enormous pool of riches of all Whites was erased with the normal advent of a relocation of riches to Blacks.59,135

The focus above is again upon the immediate constructive land redistribution by Ramaphosa to restart the aims of the Freedom Charter after 25 years of failure to the majority of Blacks as equal citizens. It is this calling that many Whites (locals and foreigners), clinging to their unjust and doubtful land ownership, are missing out on and are trying with groundless arguments and foolish resistance to uphold, in terms of their dying colonial political establishment versus the poor Blacks’ fast growing demands. The explosiveness of the demands of the poor and landless is read well by Tsotetsi138 when she writes138:21: “The voices of decolonisation grew louder because the philosophy spread to those who had previously ignored it. Fallism and the conversations it has sparked isn’t just about taking on white privilege, racism and the pervasiveness of whiteness – it’s also about challenging the present government”.

It is this choir of demanding voices which Ramaphosa hears loud and clear, and tries to steer constitutionally constructively. The incitement role played by the antagonists, using every page from the crook’s book to stay in power, is clear. The interests of foreigners are also clearly misused here by the antagonists.

For the propagandists, the ANC regime with its intended programme of land redistribution is in a specific process to replace South Africa’s outdated colonial state and its accompanying aged economic principles and visions with a solid bond between exclusive and inclusive capitalists, landowners and the masses of poverty stricken people who indeed possess immense political power through their mass votes to be able to activate any political and socio-economil changes if needed and wanted. The South African State is becoming a modernised democratic institution under Ramaphosa and his regime.

3.2.10. White participation versus White resistance

Looking at the reactions by the antagonists since 1994, especially from 2016 by the so-called rescuers and saviours of the Afrikaners/Whites, it is clear that any constructive change planned by the ANC regime to better South Africa financially, politically and in terms of the racial environment, is just unacceptable for this White group’s leadership. The ownership of land since 2016 is particularly forefronted, although the financial interests in general of Whites are also prominently well positioned in this “White resistance”. Seen in terms of the context of a political diagnosis, it is prominent for the propagandists that the antagonists are in a White existence crisis wherein their fear of losing what they see as the “last part” of their White political and financial power, left to them in post-1994 South Africa, stands central and on trial. This outcome of a striving for an outdated “empowerment”, is a small remnant left of their diminished Afrikaner nationalism, which is still nurtured in the mindset of a small faction of Afrikaners through the contaminated influences of the opportunistic and delinquent antagonists as so-called “needed behaviour” to uphold Afrikanerism. Schoeman139 brings this political mess together well when he says139:4: “Die hele kwessie van die herverdeling van grond, ook die konseponteieningswet, word misbruik vir politieke doeleindes en word gegrond op ‘n skeefgetrekte en eensydige geskiedenis.” This description summarises precisely the extreme wanton and misleading actions of the broad public by the antagonists and their collaborators in the present day politics.139

Looking objectively at the antagonists’ inciting and driving of “White resistance” against the ANC regime and the leadership of Ramaphosa, is it clear that it is wanton behaviour: there is no evidence of any action by the ANC regime to block Afrikanerism or to harm the interests of the Afrikaners/Whites (and this includes harming their land ownership and lifestyles around it). What is important here is the offering of a good quality of life to all South Africans and not exclusively to Whites (and rich Blacks). There is undoubtedly an element in this setup which can financially stress Whites (and rich Blacks), but is not unbalanced or exploitive, as Dr Peter Matseke140, the CEO of Clinix Health Group, puts it140:11: “The privileged, both black and white, can no longer remain comfortable while the majority of the country languishes in squalor and poverty. Some 24 years into democracy, they [heroes of the Struggle] would be expecting us to accelerate our efforts towards a just, non-racial, united, democratic society”.

What is urgent needed is that the wanton actions of the antagonists inside the greater Afrikaner/White community are erased as fast and comprehensively as possible. The advent of constructive mindsets with Afrikaners/Whites, especially the White farming community, on the present day South African politics and socio-economic setup, is an absolute imperative. Such positivity will help all the races to let Apartheid’s wrongs go, to interrelate, while it will reflect to all South Africans the importance of sound and balanced thinking for co-existence between exclusive and inclusive capitalists, Whites with know-how and the majority of Blacks now ruling to make the country work. Such a change will eliminate the degrading influences of substandard politicians and short-sighted activists, who are currently very active within the circle of antagonists.138

The propagandists highlight that arguing by the antagonists of an ANC land expropriation in terms of the EFF’s fanatic policy, which prescribes wholesale property and bankconfiscations as fact, is misleading and indeed “fake news” of the ANC’s true and sincere intentions of redistribution. This falsity is the same as that by the antagonists in their talk of the horrors of Mao’s, Stalin’s and Mugabe’s regimes. To “jump” by the antagonists from the ANC regime – as the ex-politician Tony Leon116 did in his warning to the South African public of the ANC’s intended land redistribution – to Julius Malema and his EFF, as a diminutive and insignificant group to be the possible “true, unstoppable possible future ruler of South Africa”, and then to draw lines in terms of this theoretical governmental setup with the chaos of the Venezuela executive political leaders Hugo Chávez and Nicolás Maduro and their failed revolutionary parties, is plain cheap journalism. The comments by Leon116, reflecting on this Malema- Chávez- Maduro-brotherhood as seemingly “on way to South Africa” through the ANC’s plan of land reform, is for the propagandists laughable. Leon116 writes116:18:

He [Nicolás Maduro] and his late predecessor [Hugo Chávez] implemented an EFF-style programme of uncosted giveaways, at war with private production or even basic economics, reducing what was once the richest country in the hemisphere to beggary.

Inflation is recorded at 13 000%, the world’s highest, and prices of basic foods, mostly now imported, double every month. But eventually fact-free economics wearies the truest of believers, and very few bothered even to vote last weekend.

One fed-up Chavista, Carlos Gonzales, 64, who abstained, put a price on his disillusion. “My monthly pension is only enough to buy one frozen chicken…”

The question by the propagandists is: was Tony Leon, as a member of parliament and leader of the opposition ever badly paid by the ANC regime, or is his pension as a parliamentarian and an ambassador, presently again paid by the ANC regime, just enough to buy him one frozen chicken? The answer of the propagandists is a decisive No: so why this distrust of a parliament and a country he himself decided to serve as a parliamentarian, even as ambassador? As a White he was and is today surely not financially or personally discriminated against in terms of his parliamentarian pension and other payments, ownership of property or other assets. Can he reflect that he is in danger of losing his parliament benefits from 1994 to 2018? For the propagandists it is an open question as to why this fantastic political double-talk arises now from Leon116, on his accusations of so-called land grabbing by the ANC? Is this opposition of the ANC, which is reflected by the antagonists’ actions, nothing else than rigorous opposing of Black rule, even after 25 years of Black political empowerment?116

It is for the propagandists time that the many suspicion mongers inside the antagonists, together with political and so-called cultural leaders like Tony Leon, Flip Buys of Solidarity SA, AfriForum, AgricSA, Oppenheimer, the IRR and the anti-ANC Afrikaner social media, attacking constantly without motivation and clear evidence the ANC’s planned land redistribution, apply a much needed self-introspection about their political and business intentions and interests and how these are aligned with the ANC’s politics versus exclusive White capital. Only after such self-introspection, will it be clear for them if they really are making a constructive contribution to the future of South Africa and if there is really sense in their political rhetoric and actions. To act politically deconstructively landed many people in the time of the NP regime behind bars.32,59,138

With regard to Leon’s116 association of Julius Malema and his EFF with the ANC, it is important to note that it was not the ANC which was lured by the EFF’s political songs to be taken as a partner, but the DA which was foolishly (or was it opportunistically) lured to fall into a working relationship with the EFF, and which has allowed Malema to sing in the choir with Maimane. For the propagandists, is it clear that the EFF will never become part of the ANC regime under Ramaphosa. The propagandists maintain that Malema himself as a person and as a “politician”, is unacceptable to the established ANC elite and emphasise that Malema’s behaviour inside formal politics has shown him to be uncontrollable and bewitched by his own “untrammeled power”. The propagandists believe that it is also politically foolish to think that a reckless EFF with only 6% of the votes can ever be allowed entrance into the ANC, making “warnings” by the antagonists of an “evil collaboration” between the ANC and the EFF wanton actions, spread by the antagonists purely for their own selfish political gains.32,59,119

For the propagandists, looking at the easy influencing of many of the ordinary Afrikaners/Whites at present by the antagonists in their creation of suspicion of the ANC’s planned land redistribution and about Black rule, it seems as though many the Afrikaners never outgrew their political and socio-economic immaturity which the leaders of the NP-AB-DRC-alliance so effectively used in the old days to cloud the nationalist Afrikaners’ mindsets with racism and political wrongdoing.

Yes, allude the antagonists, for the unprepared Whites, still cast in their European dressings and unwilling to understand and adapt to South Africa’s indigenous realities, the present day South Africa is undoubtedly a critical and frightening time: there is a lot of uncertainty, a lot of tension and a lot of anger, but the signs are good for at last a better South Africa in the making, or as Tsotetsi says138:21: “[It is an] inspiring time to live in South Africa”. There is no doubt for the propagandists that even Tony Leon and many of the antagonists are going to stay on to live comfortably and safe forever in South Africa: the country is at least still safer than Israel and free from their immense politics of suppression and delinquence! For the propagandists all that Leon and the contingent of antagonists must do to be able to also be happy in their hearts here, is to free themselves from White imperialistic thoughts and symbols, colonised curriculums, as well as the chains of patriarchy and misogyny and the hierarchies of White privilege. The ANC regime is by far better than the NP regime in which most of the antagonists have lived “so very happily for many years” while the Blacks were completely unhappy. The question for the propagandists is: if South Africa under the ANC regime (together with Black rule) is so “bad”, as the antagonists preach daily, why are they staying on here? It seems just too nice to leave!138

White participation is far nicer than White resistance. More than 90% of the Afrikaner/White population have learned this fact fast since 1994 and are living happily here. But to obtain this happiness they freed themselves from the contamination of the antagonists.

3.2.11. President Cyril Matamel Ramaphosa: The last bright candle light in South Africa’s darkest night?

There has been a lot written about Cyril Matamel Ramaphosa, the person and the leader, since the 1990s. This writing has picked up speed since his appointment as President of the country. As Jacob Zuma was initially a blue-eyed politician, but fell with time into unpopularity with the antagonists, it seems also to be the path to come for Ramaphosa. The specific reason for his sudden unpopularity, preached daily in the media, is his so-called “political turn on Whites” with his intended land expropriation without compensation. Enclosed therein stands some ongoing but justified rhetoric by him which the Whites see as hostile against them, just because he does not favour them more than the Blacks in the past.50,142-145 Antagonistic White sector’s misleading and suspicion-mongering

We need to teach our children that in life, some things are not going to be fair. That there are going to be some white people who will not like you simply because you are black, but at the same time, there are good white people and bad white people, and that tolerating and celebrating diversity should be our life-long journey.145:25

The above postulation, maintain the propagandists, holds certain truths, ignoring Mkhondo’s145 own racism and racial subjectivity. Indeed, admit the propagandists, he failed to elaborate fully to reflect also in reverse upon the fact that there are good as well as bad Black people doing the same good or bad racial things as the Whites, and that both Black and White sometimes are doing delinquent things activating unacceptable racism. But, argue the propagandists, no-one can object to Mkhondo’s145 argument when it comes to the racism echoed by the behavior and rhetoric specific to Cyril Ramaphosa. For the propagandists, this racism is more than locked-in because Ramaphosa is the leader of the ANC party as well as the president of the ANC regime, but rooted in Mkhondo’s145 postulation: he is not like, simply because he is Black.

The present generalised writings in newspapers by various journalists on the person of Cyril Ramaphosa, especially those coming from the antagonistic White sector on what land redistribution is going to be under Ramaphosa, are mostly misleading and unnecessary suspicion-mongering about him. The intimation that Ramaphosa is going “to try a big score” through the unruly and indecisive Black voters in 2019 with his bringing in as a vote motivator comprehensive land expropriation without compensation, is for the propagandists anathema. Although this propaganda must be taken with a pinch of salt, many of the ordinary Afrikaners/Whites, even those outside the farming sector and capitalist business sector, have become filled with fear for their future by the antagonists’ ongoing orchestrated false allegations. This places Black and White on a collision course, with the Afrikaners/Whites seeing the poor and landless Blacks as the “takers” of their property, forcing the country into a dangerous face-off between “haves” and” have-nots”.42,64,117,134,136,142-144

Prominent in these unanchored criticisms – remarks undoubtedly, as mentioned, to be taken with “a pinch of salt” – are those where the Afrikaners/Whites want “more” attention, privileges and benefits than the rest of the other South African races. Pertinent to such an outcome is that the contention of the chair of the Afrikanerbond (AB), Dr Jaco Schoeman139, when he says139:4: “Een van pres. Cyril Ramaphosa se uitdagings met die 107de verjaardagviering [January 2019] in KwaZulu-Natal om te wys dat hy die leier van alle Suid-Afrikaners, ook wit landsburgers, kan wees, sê die Afrikanerbond (AB).” For the propagandists, this remark clearly confirms how the Afrikaners/Whites became used since 1652 to an exclusive preference of treatment, notwithstanding their socio-economic and political wrongdoings and continued privileges and benefits at the cost of the majority of non-Whites. The central issue here again for a certain segment of the Afrikaners/Whites (specifically the insignificant group known as the AB), is the possible loss of the land which Whites stole from Blacks and which the ABs from their limited framework of reasoning and honesty, now see as “discrimination” and “wrongdoing” against the Whites. Schoeman139 and his AB group ignore the hard fact that there are more than 50 million so-called non-Whites living in South Africa who were hard done by many of the ancestors of the present ABs and other Afrikaners/Whites. The question is clear: were DF Malan, JG Strydom, HF Verwoerd and BJ Vorster ever good and sincere leaders to all South Africans (most prominently Black South Africans)? The answer is a resounding: no; not a single one of them. Ramaphosa is forced to balance the interests of all citizens and to do justice to all the main tribes within the country, of which the Whites are only one. He shows daily that he is all the people of South Africa’s president. (The ABs will benefit from realising that Ramaphosa is not a psychologist/psychiatrist with the official order to treat South African citizens’ attention and rejection syndromes).

For the propagandists, the comparison by the antagonists of the qualities of Cyril Ramaphosa with those of Jacob Zuma as a president, as was indirectly done by Schoeman139, is inappropriate. The journalist Prince139 of Beeld reflects on Schoeman’s thinking139:4: “Schoeman sê oudpres. Jacob Zuma het dit in sy termyn baie duidelik gemaak dat die ANC belange bo die Grondwet was. ‘Daarmee het hy hom van ‘n groot deel van die bevolking vervreem’.” For the propagandists, this “redirected and indirect” kind of thinking and rhetoric on Ramaphosa by the antagonists is far from the truth. Secondly, this shows the disconnection that exists in the mindsets of the antagonists to be able to observe and to read political facts and realities correctly (especially when they are Black facts and realities).139

Louw5 comments on the contaminating potential of executive political leaders when he describes how Afrikaners surrender their “independent thought” to their leaders5:218-219:

Afrikaner status, Afrikaans as an exclusive Afrikaner language, Afrikaner radical economic transformation, Afrikaner state capture, the racial purity of the Afrikaner, race separation, the limitation of Black politics, Afrikaner social and economical empowerment, Afrikaner nation identification, Afrikaner group identity above individuality, etc., became the dominant propaganda of the Malan era.

Thirdly, reflects Schoeman139 there is a seemingly “absolute innocence” on the exclusive and immense wrongdoings of the proto-Afrikaners and nationalist Afrikaners between 1652 and 1994 by his allegation of the so-called “suppression and autocratic behaviour” of the ANC regime between 1994 and 2018. Schoeman139 postulates in this context139:4: “…die [ANC] party wat self rassisme en diskriminasie op allerlei maniere toepas en in die proses vele Suid-Afrikaners van hul vryheid en self-respek ontneem het.” The question is prominent for the propagandists: who were these South Africans who lost their so-called beloved “freedom and self-respect”? If it is supposed to be the Afrikaners/Whites (on whose behaf Schoeman with his ±20 000 ABs is not authorized to speak and as a small selfish group are ignored by the majority of Afrikaners/Whites), then his139 remark is politically wanton for the propagandists, just to put Ramaphosa and the ANC regime under suspicion.139

Self-enrichment and self-empowerment were undoubtedly the main motives in the Whites political policies over the centuries. On the contaminated intertwining of these two powers, fully applicable to the White South Africans lifestyles, Chomsky132 says it well132:28:

Concentration of wealth yields concentration of political power. And concentration of political power gives rise to legislation that increases and accelerates the cycle.

The above clearly reflects that it is not the post-1994 ANC which is responsible for today’s mass poor and landless Blacks: it comes directly from the pre-1994 White rulers’ pairing oftheir concentration of White wealth with their concentration of White political power. In this context upon the remnants of the pre-1994 Black poverty rooted in today’s Black poverty, Mmusi Maimane writes146: 22: “Our country still has deep divisions of colour, of gender and religion. But the biggest division in our society is between those on the inside – people with jobs, good education and access to opportunity – and the millions still locked out of our economy.”

Specific to Maimane’s146 reference to the immense ongoing Black poverty since 1994 which needs Ramaphosa’s attention through land reform, Mcebisi Jonas147 writes that the past 25 years brought significant improvement to the Blacks’ earnings but less improvement to the provision of wealth. He writes147:15-16: “The inequalities in wealth and opportunity present a threat both to the dignity of our citizens and to the strength and security of our society. Inter-racial inequality provides fertile ground for divisive populism.”

The question is clear for the propagandists: do Schoeman and his ABs understand what Maimane146 and Jonas147 are basically saying, especially about: “the millions still locked out of our economy” and the: “inequalities in wealth and opportunity present a threat both to the dignity of our citizens and to the strength and security of our society”? Looking critically at their constant and rigid defense of their favoured position as: “people with jobs, good education and access to opportunity”, they are, it seems, lost politicians from Mars!!

With regard to Schoeman’s remark on the actions of the ANC regime who people’s “selfrespek ontneem” (it can only be assumed to be Afrikaners/Whites), he failed, to offer trustworthy research to back up his postulation, but most of all he stays silent on his Afrikaners/Whites’ pre-1994 extremely delinquent actions to Blacks. In this context the answer to Schoeman139 by the propagandists is clear: it was exclusively the Afrikaners/Whites and their ancestors who robbed millions of Blacks over centuries of their self-respect, causing a setup where millions of Blacks are still lacking self-respect and dignity, and not the ANC who had “robbed the Afrikaners/Whites of self-respect”. The postulation by Schoeman139 is again an antagonistc farce.

A fifth clear example of the antagonistic White-sector’s misleading and suspicion-mongering against Ramaphosa and the ANC, is the narrative by Schoeman139 on the political history of South Africa when he reflects subjectively139:4: “Die hele kwessie van die herverdeling van grond, ook die konseponteieningswet, word misbruik vir politieke doeleindes en word gegrond op ‘n skeefgetrekte en eensydige geskiedenis. Ongelukkig maak die president hom ook skuldig aan die narratief wat net een geskiedenis voorhou.” The only narrative in the reference of Schoeman is seemingly that the “history” he refers to, is the post-1994 one wherein the 25 year regime (1994-2019) of the ANC is central, ignoring the “pre-1994 history” wherein from 1652 to 1994 (342 years) the history was exclusively and totally one-sided, driven and written by the autocratic White/Afrikaner rulers (and a delinquent history wherein the AB played a prominent role). The most contaminated part of this pre-1994 history occurred from 1948 to 1994 by the NP-AB-DRC-alliance under their politically corrupt and autocratic Grand Apartheid. Hereto has the ANC regime since 1994 tried in all seriousness to put a balanced political history upon the table, covering the period from 1652 until today. So far is it solely the antagonists who are completely ignoring the badness of the Afrikaners/Whites’ role in the 1652 to 2019 history. Secondly, they are deaf and blind, as Schoeman’s doings reflect, to the balanced historic facts offered by the ANC regime. To accuse Ramaphosa (or the ANC regime) of presenting a one-sided or false history around the land expropriation matter, is for the propagandists again an example of the antagonistic White-sector’s well-planned misleading and suspicion-mongering against the person and leadership of Ramaphosa.4-7,139

It becomes clear for the propagandists that the so-called Afrikaner/White rescuers and saviours, like the AB, AfriForum, Solidarity, AgriSA, FF Plus, etc., still, after 25 years of Black rule and empowerment (and a Christianity coming from 1652), have not developed insight that their internalised cognition of White supremacy is a “bad” characteristic, based upon a clear cut between Black and White. Central to this naïve thinking, planning and action, driving seemingly the majority of Afrikaners/Whites mostly unconsciously since 1652 by their belief system of an association of good with White and bad with Black, stands racism. From a psychoanalysis view it seems as though they never learned what racism really is and the many manifestations thereof as reflected in human behaviour including their own. Much of the present misleading and suspicion-mongering against the person and leadership of Ramaphosa is cemented in this contaminated mindset. But this misleading and suspicion-mongering would be reflected against any other Black in a leadership position (as Nelson Mandela also experienced) in South Africa by the so-called Afrikaner/White rescuers and saviors. It did not matter whether these Blacks were the ruler or the opposition. This character defect, reflected thankfully for the propagandists’ since 1994 by only a minority of Afrikaners/Whites, will only be healed by their comprehension of what racism is. Constructive education, it seems for the propagandists, has become an absolute. The solution to the problem – which will bring an end to the misleading and suspicion-mongering against the person and leadership of Ramaphosa – lies in Mkhondo’s145 simple guideline when he posits145:25:

As parents, we must teach our children the different definitions of racism as contained in many dictionaries: the negative benefits, attitudes, actions, or behaviours that are based upon phenotypic characteristics or ethnic affiliations; the beliefs in inherent superiority or inferiority upon the basis of perceived group attributes, often conceptualised as including beliefs and attitudes (racial prejudice) and actions and practices (racial discrimination), and that it can occur on individual, internal, or structural (institutional) levels, and be either subtle or obvious.

The Afrikaners/Whites as individuals, but especially the hostile leadership of the so-called Afrikaner/White rescuers and saviours, will all benefit to note Mkhondo’s simple guideline: they are not too old or too rigid to change positively.145

The good advice of an outsider to politics, Roy T. Bennett, can also guide the hostile Afrikaners/Whites as individuals and leaders, together with their Afrikaner/White rescuers and saviors, when he says: “It’s only after you’ve stepped outside your comfort zone that you begin to change, grow, and transform.”

The many false outcomes for Ramaphosa — started up deliberately with bad intentions by the antagonists, bringing nightmares to the mindsets of the ordinary Afrikaners/Whites — are not part at all of the intended land expropriation of which so many Whites are deeply afraid. The end result is going to look totally different in a very good way, as emphasized by the propagandists. They maintain that it is not Ramaphosa’s intention to move from an existing exclusive capitalism to a solely inclusive or social capitalism, while Communism is and was never on the cards for South Africa under the ANC. The economy will be for him a parallel economy between exclusive capitalism and inclusive capitalism, so as to steer land redistribution. This immediately made the antagonists’ allegation of a Chinese economic and political “occupation” null and void (Ramaphosa already showed the Russians the door under the Putin-Zuma-nuclear deal).

Ramaphosa’s present good standing on the issue of land is totally masked by the antagonists for the general public. The antagonists have so far wantonly frequently and successfully created negative impressions of him and his regime. Examples are the potential full-scale land grabbing, the irresponsible allocation of immediate full title-deeds to the new Black land owners without precise pre-limitations on the reselling of the given land or other limitations on the future trading of the so-called “free land” received by the poor and landless Blacks, and the alleged irresponsible handing over of other assets and expropriation of riches from Whites (which is of course not part of Ramaphosa’s land expropriation plan!). The financial journalist Chris Barron148 warns the uninformed ordinary public about the false belief of the worst to come created by the antagonists. It is far-fetched mind capture, and mostly action impossible to introduce by any regime in present-day South Africa (This outcome was indeed created and fully obtained by the Afrikaner/White regimes, but only after more than 300 years of their political domination of the Black South Africans). Barron148 reflects a mild change coming around the intended land reform of Ramaphosa: an action spread out over a long time, to be executed inside an orderly process, and free from political radicalism. It is for the propagandists clear that Ramaphosa has, after his assumption of the presidency, successfully counteracted the delinquent intentions and planning of land grabbing by certain radicals’ inside the ANC who were still associated with Jacob Zuma.59,148,149

Ramaphosa knows very well that the short and long term processes around land redistribution are complicated and sensitive and he is steering it very responsibly.

Ramaphosa’s legal foundation and approach to obtain an orderly and just land reform, taking the interests of White land owners into consideration, can be read in Barack Obama’s150 speech at the Nelson Mandela Annual Lecture in Johannesburg on the 17th July 2018 when he said150:11: “Mandela taught us the power of action, but he also taught us the power of ideas; the importance of reason and arguments; the need to study not only those who you agree with, but also those you don’t agree with…Mandela [also] demonstrated that action and ideas are not enough. No matter how right, they must be chiseled into law and institutions.” For the propagandists it is time that the antagonists study without subjectivity the reasons and arguments of Ramaphosa on land reform, and how it is going to be executed: only then will they start to understand the meaning of Obama’s remark150:11: chiseled into law and institutions. Ramaphosa’s whole exercise on land expropriation will be driven within the Constitution: it will be executed in terms of democratic principles and overseen by law respected institutions such as the country’s courts and various parliamentary bodies.150

This balanced intention on future human rights and economics for South Africans by Ramaphosa, erasing the antagonists’ misleading of his intention to impoverish Whites and to strip them of their civil rights, is also echoed by Jonas147 when he posits147:15-15:

Building a more inclusive economy must be at the centre of our national development agenda. But transformation is not simply about replacing the white elite with a new black elite. A fundamental restructuring of the economy is instead required in which rent-seeking is incrementally replaced with the development of new productive capabilities in which black South Africans have an increasing share. The current dichotomy between growth and transformation is false. We need to transform to grow, and we need to grow to transform. Ramaphosa’s economic goodwill to every South African and his sincere underwriting of a capitalist democracy

With regard to the constant criticisms by the antagonists of Ramaphosa and his regime as failures, is it important to take a perspective on Ramaphosa’s outputs. Ramaphosa, in contrast to Jacob Zuma, after his selection as president, immediately launched various initiatives to improve the ANC regime’s relationship with the private business and financial sectors. These initiatives include industrial development, training and the shoring up of public enterprise. Substantial changes were made in the top tiers of the government, SOEs and other vital institutions, according toUmraw.50,136,137

In this context, most prominent is his focus upon two areas: activation of the economy and the fighting of corruption. Regarding the economy he identified five key pillars which he activated and is steering to a high level: an investment drive; youth employment; state-owned enterprises as economy vehicles for growth creation, improvement of competition and land redistribution. Eight direct interventions have already taken place on certain state owned enterprises which were previously exposed to state capture. There enterprises changed their boards. Furthermore, Ramaphosa tasked Gwede Mantashe, Jeremy Cronin and Ronald Lamola to find solutions for the prominent problems around the areas of mineral resources and public works, and he also put the issue of land redistribution and inequality between the races under direct investigation. Ramaphosa’s restructuring and re-steering of the country’s various public enterprises assures that these bodies will remain economic drivers to bring about growth, skills development and business competition. These interventions avoid a forced selling off or an untimely privatisation of these public bodies.50,136,137

Ramaphosa fully recognises that the corruption and capture issue during the Zuma regime must not recur and is geared not only to prevent this happening in his regime, but acknowledges that the crooks must be erased from the regime if he wants to steer the country onto a winning path. Fikile Mbalula152 describes this crooked and deep rooted setup under Zuma as an in-depth cancerous infection which needs an in-depth treatment152:4: “… you can’t clean a sore without going deep into it – just dressing the wound won’t help”. The intention of Ramphosa is to go deep into the state capture under Jacob Zuma and his cronies.152

Ramaphosa knows that in his addressing of the disabled South Africa left behind by Jacob Zuma and his cronies, the immediate requirement is to form a post-2018 South African identity solidly based upon the cooperation of the public and private enterprises and the individual citizens. Integrity and ethics are imperative here. With such a strong consensus and mandate to back his reformation of the ownership of land, it will be a great success. Ramaphosa knows that without an absolute unitary consensus and mandate, his best intentions and actions for a better South Africa will be fruitless.153

Thombothi154 is not wrong when he, in reflecting upon Ramphosa’s intentions, postulates154:17: “One cannot, for instance, launch into battle with a disjointed army or without the support of the entire populace. The coherence or the agreement needs to first come from inside.”

In this context the propagandists show Ramaphosa’s economic goodwill to every South African and his underwriting of a broad-spectrum of a capitalistic democracy with his appointments of prominent capitalist economic leaders. Prominent here is the appointment of the economist Trudi Makhaya, a Rhodes scholar, and an alumnus of Wits and Oxford universities, as his special economic adviser. Included in his supportive circle are four special envoys and eminent South Africans under Trudi Makhaya’s oversight. These are the ex-Minister, Trevor Manuel, the ex-Deputy-Minister of Finance, Mcebisi Jonas, the Liberty Holding Chairman, Jacko Maree and the Executive Chair of Afropulse, Phumzile Langeni. The main aim of this team is to uplift the South African economy and to obtain $100 billion (R1.2 trillion) plus in foreign investments (an aim which they have already fulfilled to a great extent). These appointments and intentions by Ramaphosa are seen by the propagandists as a sign that extreme RET and the leftish Zuma politics, which include the promotion of extreme political actions like land grabbing, the nationalising of the assets of Whites, and the kicking out of foreigners as land, property and other asset owners, are erased from the ANC’s future politics.60,144,145

In this new business initiative is it clear that Ramaphosa has, with sound business leadership, steered the ANC elite’s mindset away from a Mugabe-Zimbabwe land grab as a solution to our land issue, showing to them that the consequences are just too overwhelming and too destructive for South Africa. Herewith were the doctrines of ex-Minister of Finance, Malusi Gigaba and his economic adviser, a said Professor Chris Malikane, which called from inside the ANC, with Jacob Zuma’s permission, for radical RET like the nationalisation of mines and banks to cure the country’s economic ills, also killed for ever by Ramaphosa.60,144,145

To challenge the many obstructions, especially to get the private sector engaged, Professor Mills Soko75 sees Ramaphosa as the ideal leader to pull it off. He writes75:9: “He’s been a union leader, a business leader, he knows what’s happening in the economy. He must start these uncomfortable conversations. He has the tactical language to speak to business”.

This, as mentioned byProfessor Soko, is according to the propogandists exactly what Ramaphosa has doing from day one in the presidency!

Ramaphosa’s economical goodwill to every South African and his sincere support of a capitalistic democracy are unchallengeable realities, and the world must know it.

Ramaphosa is not an Nkandla Crooner (a Jacob Zuma looting the public monies of South Africa). He was primarily involved in the birth of the New South Africa and is today still part of that elite leadership who assured our peaceful transition. The transition was not a miracle155:9: “It’s a choice made by [good] leaders and the [good] people they lead. Countries that succeed make tough choices”, posits Malala155. Ramaphosa is leading wisely by making tough choices to let South Africa succeed; choices that do not fit into the selfish and opportunistic plans of the antagonists. The disfunction in certain segments of the present South Africa have nothing to do with Ramaphosa leadership, as the antagonists try to reflect, but it has a centuries old history. His present role is to again bring about a peaceful land transformation, as the dispensation of 25 years ago did.

The advent of Ramaphosa and the rebirth of South Africa, states Malala155 can be equated to the enormous reform that was activated from April 2018 in problematic Ethiopia which was also drowing in a sea of mediocrity, until its salvation by a leader in the class of Ramaphosa. Malala155 writes155:9:

It can be done, though. In Ethiopia in April 2018 we saw the arrival of a young new leader, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, and the swift and resolute implementation of a wide range of confidence-boosting measures. Opposition parties have been unbanned and invited to participate in ensuring a free and fair election next year [2020]; exiles have been welcomed back without fear of reprisals; borders are opening; women are taking up leadership positions. Journalists have been freed from jails.

The ANC regime since 1994 has mercifully been free from the incarceration of the opposition, persons banned, borders closed or the jailing of journalists and discrimination against women. Neither were the antagonists even banned or prosecuted,due to their racial incitement and false rumours on Ramaphosa and the ANC. But the rehabilitation and rebuilding of a country and its people subjected to hundreds of years of suppression and exploitation, asks the same input from President Ramaphosa as Ethiopia asks from its Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. Political and personal hostilities focused upon Ramaphosa

The propagandists’ emphasise that South Africans must not ignore the hostility and manipulation of the political environment which Ramaphosa has to face in his presidency – from inside and outside the ANC regime. This brings him constant unusual stress and places him under attack. The political analyst and journalist Peter Bruce62 warns in this context that “it is easy in light of our present politics to become dismayed by the complexity of almost every single issue and the reality that Cyril Ramaphosa is sincerely trying to rehabilitate and to reform the ANC as a regime and political party after the corruption of Jacob Zuma. This rehabilitation is an enormous process”. Ramaphosa is simultaneously in a battle to resist and to eliminate the strong Zuma-ANC-NEC-powerbase, which is trying to derail his leadership and to put the country again directly into a Zuma project of stealing. On this immense constructive action and rehabilitation by Ramaphosa (mostly unseen and observed by the ordinary South African), not only of the ANC but also of the total administration of the country, Bruce62 writes62:16: “But simply because we cannot foresee the outcomes of events already in motion does not mean Ramaphosa is failing. Look, he may well be failing, but the evidence isn’t there. What is there is evidence of a painstaking setting to rights of issues as they come up”.

Ramaphosa’s political clean-up of the present day South African politics is also confirmed by the writing of the editor of the Sunday Times117 when he highlights the positive outcome of the Ramaphosa regime117:16: “But the tide has turned. Ramaphosa, in the understated yet quietly determined way that has become his hallmark, is picking off bad apples one by one. Slowly but surely, Ramaphosa’s “New Dawn” is shining a light into the darkest recesses of the Zuma era.” 117

Ramaphosa himself is under no illusions about the immense mess which South Africa is in and that it will take some time to recalibrate and realign every part before good governance is being reached. The May Report (2016-2017) of the Office of the Auditor-General is sobering and depressing reading, making the immense task of Ramaphosa ahead understandable, and fillingthe reader with great sympathy. The report shows that only 33 out 257 municipalities received clean audits, while irregular expenditure at local government level amounts to R28.37 billion. It must also be acknowledged That South Africa has a weak growth rate from as far back as before 1994, far behind that which characterised the global world’s recovery (and which was one of the reasons to force the NP to hand over the politics to the ANC). Attached to this stands the significant gap between the country’s needs versus its aspirations and capacity, making it, notwithstanding it being the best developed economy in Africa, a slow growing country. South Africa’s remote location, in combination with its history of economic isolation, makes it an all-over outsider in the global economy. Furthermore, the mass unemployment of the youth and poor basic and tertiary education, are direct results of the spatial pattern of Apartheid’s economic inequality. The propagandists note, specific to the criticism by the antagonists of the so-called poor general performance by the Ramaphosa regime so far, that notwithstanding the epic swindles and under-performance at various state institutions which are immensely comprehensive and deep seated, Ramaphosa’s men already demonstrate excellent improvement in their functioning, and are progressing well in their clean up.50,117,136,156

The cry for the immediate correction of the South Africa official political system, for instance by action such as the firing and taking to court of political and government officials previously active inside the Zupta-setup, has been heard from especially the antagonists in their senseless labelling of Ramaphosa as a failure as President. What the antagonists, mostly inexperienced themselves in serious and advanced politics, missed out in their arrogante criticism, is that Zuma’s empowerment inside the ANC elite (prominently the ANC NEC) is still there. Ramaphosa is not a “blind, impulsive politician”. He knows the odds and is aware of Zuma’s corrupt political mindset.Ramaphosa is forced to follow prescribed legal (and sound political) ways to bring the many culprits to book. This process takes time and is to a certain extent outside Ramaphosa’s control: he cannot takes premature action and have it later questioned, criticised or recalled by the judiciary.35,68

The comprehensiveness of the above infighting and extreme undermining of President Ramaphosa’s leadership and good regime is well illustrated by Munusamy34 when she warned already in April 2018 about the underminers in the ANC as follows34:22:

Ramaphosa might have great plans for South Africa’s recovery, but it would appear that his own organisation is weighting him down. Instead of focusing on stabilising the state and creating an optimum climate for the investment and economic growth that would hopefully result in job creation, he must fight the ANC’s internal problems.

Meanwhile, other ANC leaders are ineffective, dogged by scandal or engaged in sideshows.

While Ramaphosa is able to send his lions on the hunt for investment, it is a pity he does not have beasts at his disposal to deal with the nuisances in the ANC.

Nyatsumba35 politically educates the naïve antagonists of a direct and immediate “revenge-taking” by Ramaphosa on the criminals associated with Zuma still in the ANC regime when he writes35:18: “Only a president with a political death wish would succumb to the deafening public calls to dispense with due process and take immediate and precipitous action against individuals who face allegations”. Patience is the key, as Ramaphosa plays by the rules before he can oust the delinquent Zuma-faction from the ANC NER. About this temporary, but immense hold-up of Ramaphosa’s political reforms by the delinquents in the ANC party and ANC elite, Munusamy33 states33:18: “…South Africa can only leave the Zuma era behind when the corruption networks are completely broken, the criminals are brought to book and there is a re-orientation of the state.”

This immense challenge for Ramaphosa cleanse, is also well demonstrated by Barron151 when he writes151:10: “The claws have gone very deep into these institutions, corruption has become pervasive. So it is not going to be smooth sailing”.

There is no doubt for the propagandists that Ramaphosa will act fast and comprehensively when his mechanism of ruling is in place. But, as the propagandists’ emphasise, South Africans will have to learn to be patient and realistic with the present style of Ramaphosa-reign and rid from their mindsets the antagonists’ implants of a Ramaphoria or Ramaphosa-mania. This criticism is also a finger-pointing to the antagonists’ unjustified profiling of Ramaphosa as a person of doubtful character and an sub- standard executive political leader: many of the antagonists’ objections, moans and accusations on Ramaphosa’s so-called failures to rectify so far all the wrongs of the Zuma-era, have a purely racial foundation and originate from the pre-1994 racial politics practiced by the nationalist Afrikaners. For the propagandists is it now the time for the antagonists to do self-introspection, to rectify their delinquent politics to the poor and landless Blacks Their scapegoating of Ramaphosa as a so-called “Black racist”, is the utmost mischief-making and will cost them dearly in the end.35

The balancing act at present by Ramaphosa to get the populace on his side, in avery limited time, and to at the same time effect land redistribution while keeping the country unified, is a challenge that has never before, since 1652, been undertaken by an executive political leader in South Africa. What Ramaphosa now needs is immense moral and political support from the populace, not the aimless and noisy warbling of the many antagonistic political songbirds who are missing out on today’s forced realities such as the immediate need for land redistribution.157

It is important to reflect again upon the immense conspiracies activated by the Zupta-cronies to unseat him. Jacob Zuma and Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma are the prominent leaders here, referred to as the “Brutus’ in waiting”. Such an ousting will undoubtedly activate a full blooded land grabbing and extreme RET wherein every member of the White tribe will figure prominently as the victims.34,103,105,106,158,159

This political complexity and “blood-battling”, with the possibility of focused murder inside the present day ANC, clarifies for the propagandists why Ramaphosa has so far been unable to make dramatic changes to the still “Zuma-ridden” South African political setup, and thus to challenge directly the Zuma part in the ANC. Other than during the Zuptiod-reigning up to 2018 of South Africa, which had lacked responsibility, insight and integrity, Ramaphosa acknowledges publically that there is an enormous balancing task awaiting him as president, namely145:4: “…to balance business friendly policies with pent-up demand for social and economic justice”, and that his present timely response is145:4: “… people’s ‘yearning for land’ would insure against ‘policy mishaps’ in future”.. These are tasks he does not fear to take on and he knows he can solve the issues with full justice inside the democracy, as he stateswith confidence154:4: “Addressing the “gaping and bleeding” wound caused by land hunger need not threaten either business or white minority”.

Although there is a belief that the struggle for the soul of the ANC to be a regime is far from over, it must be emphasised that a possible Zupta-derailing of the Ramaphosa presidency in the near future seems to be limited. Although the KwaZulu-Natal Youth League Chair Mshengu still refers to the pro-Zuma formations like the Mazibuye African Congress and the African Transformation Movement in KwaZulu-Natal as “enemies” of Ramaphosa, and Jacob Zuma through his Zulu-ticket stays the most popular figure in KwaZulu-Natal, the anti-Ramaphosia is busy passing away. The ending of Zuma’ populistic and unrealistic hand-outs to the Zulus, as shown by Jonas, is now already one of Ramaphosa’s intentions to limit the unrealistic expectations that a fiscally constrained and hollowed out the state presents. Ramaphosa knows that financially the country can simply not further meet the years’ of populist handouts as occured under Jacob Zuma. This, of course, is going to put strain (and masked, well-planned attacks) on his regime, especially from the Zuma-gang not as yet in retirement.34,37,38,147,158-162

Mcebisi Jonas147, a former Deputy Minister of Finance, and now an investment envoy to Ramaphosa, writes that there is in every government a fighting back by crooks when a political delinquent such as Zuma and his men are ousted with force147:15-16: “… future assaults on the constitution and on the rule of law as obstacles to so-called transformation are to be expected”, but the evidence is there that Cyril Ramaphosa has slowly overcome the Zuma orientated resistance and hostility against him as a person and leader inside the ANC, especially the hostility of the ethnicity of the Zulu tribe and their doctrine by Jacob Zuma’s Zulu ethnic-nationalism against his ethnic Venda-Tshivenda connection.34,37,147,153,158-162

The internal hostility in the ANC, as shown by Hunter160, especially in KwaZulu-Natal, was fired up by the undermentioned threatening war songs by Zuma supporters against Ramaphosa, when he visited KwaZulu-Natal in April 2018. However, this is mostly a thing of the past160:17:

Phansi ngoCyril Ramaphosa phansi! [Down with Cyril Ramaphosa, down!],

That NEC of the ANC is rotten. Those are not ANC leaders. They are the agents of [Johann Rupert] and Opperheimer…Thuma mina Cyril Ramaphosa”.

Where Jacob Zuma deserves to be blacklisted as a political scoundrel, Ramaphosa innocently attracts negative news, unfortunately for the wrong reasons. The present political and personal hostility focused upon Ramaphosa, is mostly driven by the antagonists in their foolish “smash-and-grab” politics in their hope to make some gains. The antagonists failed over many years to bring solutions to conflicts and problems which they, by their rule had created, making it now for the ANC to address this through their. The facts are there, not only to contradict the false allegations of the antagonists against Ramaphosa, but also that they are going to be the losers in their fight with Ramaphosa.144,145,152,163 The Zuma reference within the Ramaphosa CV

Prominent in the criticism against Ramaphosa by the antagonists is their calling him a “Zuma-collaborator” in state capture and the country’s mismanagement. In this accusationthey constantly refer to his so-called “passivity” as an ANC member and later Vice-President in the Zuma regime upon Zuma’s wrongdoings. They attempt to portray him to bring only further misery to South Africans in general and to Whites specifically, with what the antagonists like to call “all out land-grabbing”. In response the propagandists, after comprehensive research and evaluation of the matter, show that there is no evidence offered by the antagonists to assure their allegations. The propagandists’ opinion is that these allegations are unjustified and clearly delusional thinking by the antagonists.28,29,31-36,42,64,75,117,134,136,141-144

In specific defense of the above allegations on the person and the leader Cyril Ramaphosa, the propagandists note that although he was part of the Zuma setup, it was an executive position forced upon him officially by his membership of the ANC party, the ANC elite and the ANC NEC. The propagandists offer clear evidence showing that he publically objected to Zuma’s delinquent actions. Furthermore, it is well known that in private he fought Zuma and the Guptas. Limiting Ramaphosa’s hostile actions against him, evidence is there that it was undoubtedly Zuma’s intention to silence him if he continued to block Zuma’s plans: there were plans by Zuma to axe him as Deputy-President and even to arrest him, in order to silence and to totally erase his influence as a party and executive member of the ANC if he resisted with continued fighting with Zuma. There was in the darkness behind curtains the fear of an assassination. Any direct or indirect ousting of Ramaphosa would give the majority Zuma ANC NEC at Luthuli House the ideal opportunity to “blacken” his career for ever, as Zuma did with others like Thabo Mbeki, in his capture of the presidency from him. For Ramaphosa, there were thus two choices: to be erased summarily as a politician from the active South African politics, or to stay on as Vice-President and with some form of constructive criticism to wrentch away at a later time Zuma’s empowerment. The propagandists contend that there was very little else for Ramaphosa to do, besides to resign, which, as said, would have given Zuma, without Ramaphosa’s direct blocking, far stronger leverage to activate more state capture with the Guptas and the Zuma cronies. For Ramaphosa there was only one way to go: stay on, stand up against Zuma in a less aggressive way, activate support against Zuma and wait for the right moment to get him out of his power base. There is no doubt for the propagandists that if Ramaphosa exited a decade ago from the ANC elite and the ANC regime, Jacob Zuma would most possibly still in power, with a much larger state-capturing and a Gupta-Zuma-family-circle to support him in wrongdoing.28,29,31-36,42,64,75,117,134,136,141-144

Ramaphosa is indeed willing to appear before the Zondo Commission (and even to apologise as ANC leader and State-President for Zuma and his cronies’ immense wrongdoings to South Africans), confirming again his innocence of a direct or an indirect collaboration with state capture. Fikile Mbalula, a senior ANC executive at Luthuli House, has never denied the committing of state capture under Jacob Zuma, but insists that Ramaphosa was innocent as Vice-President. On a possible presentation by Ramaphosa at the Zondo Commission on his previous position as Vice-President, an ANC spokesperson reflects152:4: “… the president does not want to present mere hearsay to the commission. ‘We will have to find a way to use cabinet minutes to show that just because he was Deputy-President he was not complicit in these things’.”

Ramaphosa’s honest answer to his critics for staying on in the Zuma setup must be more than an assurance to South Africans that he is not another Jacob Zuma crook. Munusamy33 reflects upon Ramaphosa’s words, in answering his critics33:18: “Could I have done anything differently? Possibly, but we are where we are now, where we are all able to take action”.

The Zuma reference within the Ramaphosa CV is an unfortunate inscription, which however much he wants to erase it, was unavoidable in his capacity as an executive member of the ANC. In the end it serves as a positive reference to the world to understand the person and the leader Cyril Ramaphosa. Leadership characteristics

With regard to the outstanding characteristics of Ramaphosa, when specifically reflecting upon his integrity as an executive political leader, is that Ramaphosa does not run away from responsibility. Noteworthy here is the fact that he takes the blame for the police wrongdoing in the Marikana massacre, notwithstanding the he was in no way directly involved as a mine boss in the whole situation. This “not to blame other persons when things go wrong”, but to take the full blow alone, is the characteristic of a great executive leader, a so-called Level-5-Leader (ultra-exceptional great leader), who the Collins study164 identified to only be reflected by eleven leaders (0.7%) out of a total of 1 435 identified good leaders within American business society.164

Some of the other extraordinary characteristics of excellence unique to these Level-5-leaders, which are all associated with Cyril Ramaphosa, are the following164: they build enduring greatness through a paradoxical blend of personal humility and professional will; they are fanatically driven, infected with an incurable need to produce results; they make productive contributions through talent, knowledge, skills, and good work habits; they contribute individual capabilities to the achievement of the group’s objectives and work effectively with others in a group setting; they organise people and resources towards the effective and efficient pursuit of pre-determined objectives; they catalyse commitment to and vigorous pursuit of a clear and compelling vision; and they stimulate higher performance standards. These manifold examples of “goodness”, are all characteristics which Ramaphosa has shown from his beginning as an ANC member until today as President of South Africa. Very few executive political leaders in the political history of South Africa, from 1652 until the present, reflect this characteristics.164

There is undoubtedly a new enthusiasm in the Ramaphosa regime on all political, social and economic levels of society.28-36,42,64,75,117,136,141-144,165,166

In the emotional overwhelming hostility for Ramaphosa, the antagonists, in their ongoing daily criticism of him, are also completely missing out on Ramaphosa’s enormously successful business career after he left politics for a while in the 1990s. In this business setup he showed outstanding personal and business wisdom, again said to be exclusive characteristics of a Collins Leader-5 or a great leader.164 His undermentioned business “wise man” guideline to ordinary citizens, as well as seasoned politicians, spells an orderly land transfer and the allocation of land to the poor and landless Blacks without hurting the country’s internal and external economics, when he says145:4:

When I was in the private sector, you built a book and that’s how I’m approaching it.

I want to build a book of investment. We are not going to go for a smash-grab-grab. We are seeking to create a very good, solid and durable environment for investment.

For the propagandists, there is no other leader inside or outside the ANC like Ramaphosa at the moment, who can be trusted to activate land redistribution in an orderly manner, and who can guarantee a high success rate in the placement of new sufficient-producing Black farmers in the next two decades to come. The editor117 of the Sunday Times reflects upon the positive characteristics of Ramaphosa as an executive political leader to get South Africa out of its mess when he says117:16:

The new South Africa, now a month into its 25th year, needs a “new dawn” only because the lights have been off – metaphorically and sometimes literally – for so long. Ramaphosa has always played the long game, so he will not be fazed either by the magnitude of the task or the sniping of critics within the ANC and on opposition benches.

His achievements in 100 days have already begun to overwrite memories of his predecessor’s calamitous 3 145-day administration.

In the context of the mischief-making of Ramaphosa as a person and a leader by the antagonists, still catching up in their short term selfish and exclusive benefits of White land holding instead of supporting the long term benefits of balanced land redistribution wherein the poor and landless can after 25 years of democracy become economically, socially and politically empowered, Kariuki167 gives the antagonists a simple, but effective cognitive guide when he writes167:18:

Nation building in the context of South Africa cannot be a perpetuation of hierarchies of the past based upon imposed divisions and rooted in prejudice, discrimination and exclusion.

It calls for a rethinking, in South African terms [an inclination so far, even after 25 years of Black rule, is missing many Whites, especially their politicians], of what democracy and tolerance mean in terms of lived experiences, where every citizen promotes peaceful co-existence in the spaces they inhabit and the communities they live in.

Ramaphosa has done enough to give a beleaguered, cynical and jaded electorate a glimpse of light at the end of a horribly long tunnel.117

The propagandists posit Ramaphosa is at the moment the only bright candle light in South Africa’s darkest night. If an organised land transformation programme is not activated in 2019 and steered in an orderly manner, to erase South Africa’s all-encompassing poverty, unemployment and inequality, the mass of poor and landless Blacks are going to do it themselfves, outside any political association, bringing to South Africa an accompanying racial and ethnic bloodshed and a long term socio-economic and political disorder under the leadership of extreme radicals. Ramaphosa’s expropriation without compensation, as shown in this research by the propagandists, means in most cases limited but balanced compensation, instead of without compensation: it will not hurt the economy and the panacea unlocking the country’s potential to create wealth to every citizen. Ramaphosa does have the backbone to do this.14,64,168-170

4. Conclusions

The many arguments, opinions and viewpoints as positioned by the antagonists against any change to Section 25 be able to completely reject the expropriation of land without any compensation or market related prices, are for the propagandists complete falsehoods and myths. The propagandists have shown in detail the dysfunctioning of the corrupt age-old White political and socio-economic system of South Africa and how the antagonists are misusing remnants thereof effectively, to be able to uphold exclusively White interests, such as immense White land ownership and a closed, exclusive White farming community. Prominently imbedded in the antagonists’ fighting and obstruction of a change to Section 25 to effect much needed land expropriation without compensation, is for the propagandists the presence of well planned delinquency by the antagonists to make the ANC’s new political and socio-economic system of South Africa dysfunctional.

Studies of the pre- and post-1994 political history of South Africa show that the many arguments, opinions and viewpoints positioned by the antagonists, besides it being fake news and reporting, are also very emotion laden and mostly lack depth. Furthermore, a critical evaluation in general shows that the arguments, opinions and viewpoints of the antagonists are lacking the support of the total White or Afrikaner population. The antagonists mostly come from the contingent of White farm- and land owners, White capitalist business groups with immense direct and indirect interests in land economics, as well the so-called “saviours and rescuers” of Afrikaners/ Whites, reflecting themselves as “unselfish fighters” for the interests of the White farming community and for the upholding of the Constitution and dispensation of 1994. This group’s opportunistic and delinquent aims and intentions seem not always to be sincere to benefit especially the White farmers’ community.

The antagonists as a specific minority group are undoubtedly extremely motivated by and fearful of any socio-economic and political changes, away from exclusive White democratic capitalism. Their resistance to the full handover of the country’s economics and politics to the constantly growing Black majority is reflected in their wanton thinking, planning and action to prevent it. The antagonists are a shrinking minority group inside another shrinking minority group, estimated to represent less than 10% of the White population and ± 0.5% of the total South African population. For the propagandists, the antagonists are nothing less than a political resistance group, a remnant from the proto-Afrikaners’ terroristand racial past, which refuses blindly any constructive participation in the ANC regime. In perspective, the antagonists are insignificant in South African politics and s it is clear that their political and economic delinquent opportunism is being unmasked. The propagandists have no doubt that the antagonists’ present obstruction of the land expropriation initiative is temporary, unfounded and doomed to failure. Profiling them in the future politics and economics of the country, their survival duration is at most ten years. As fast as the land expropriation plan is implemented next year, as fast will the antagonists disappear from the public stage. For the propagandists this will mercifully finally end the antagonists’ destructive impact upon the non-racial nation building initiative of the ANC regime and the repositioning of the socio-economics and politics. The propagandists believe that this will lay the land expropriation conflict to rest.

The antagonists are aware that they are reaching a watershed in the South African political history and that their racism and exploitation of the Blacks have come to an end. Exclusively unjustified White rights and privileges are in the process of being erased. Land expropriation is going to at last bring some compensation to the victims of Apartheid’s land grabbing, although only a fraction of their total claim. Louw5 comprehensively contends5:175-176:

However, as said, criminal proceedings are not enough for many of the apartheid victims. Many of these victims want financial compensation from those who were directly involved in criminal actions, while others wish for compensation from the Afrikaner community and business sector as a whole, as they have benefitted from favoured business deals, the many other interests and the jobs etc. that apartheid offered them. Prominent are certain Afrikaner and nationalist Afrikaner business leaders and magnates who benefitted greatly from the apartheid system. They were favoured for business deals, contracts and other benefits. The current battle regarding Radical Economical Transformation (RET), seen by many Blacks as the second leg (economical revolution) in continuation of the first leg of the 1994 dispensation (political revolution), are excellent indicators of the Black call for “pay-back” of White capital obtained from apartheid incongruities.

The change to Section 25 to effect land expropriation without compensation is for the propagandists an unchangeable fact. For the propagandists, the intended land expropriation without compensation is going to at last bring about the “pay-back” of White land and other capital obtained through Apartheid incongruities. The land expropriation initiative is going to with time bring an end to the poverty, inequality, unemployment and landlessness of the mass of Blacks; all negative outcomes of centuries of Apartheid and its’ exploitation of Black the population.

For the propagandists, it is undoubtedly clear that for most poor and landless Blacks an anointed solution to bring justified landownership to them is wishful thinking: constructive political action, based upon sound cognitive reasoning, thinking, planning and action is the only way to proceed; no further unanchored prayers, promises and hopes. This course of action must now be activated by Cyril Ramaphosa.

Post-1994 South Africa brought democracy to every South African and immense changes to improve the country. But democracy can never be complete and neither can the Constitution which is driving and overseeing this democracy be complete and comprehensive enough. The year 2019 brings a fresh input to democracy with orderly and justified land expropriation through the improved Constitution. For Ramaphosa and his regime, the land expropriation matter is a command to do what is right, not what is easy nor what is popular (RT Bennett Proverb).

In closing down the arguments, opinions and viewpoints of the antagonists (Articles 3 and 4) and the counter arguments, opinions and viewpoints of the propagandists (Articles 5 and 6) as offered in this research project, the stage is at last set for an objective and seasoned judgment to be able to draw conclusions and to offer a dictum as to whether the planned land expropriation of the ANC regime is correct or incorrect, and thus can be implemented with great speed. These conclusions and dictum will be delivered in the next and final article (Number 7) of the project.

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Not commissioned; externally peer-reviewed.


The author has no competing interests to declare.


The research was funded by the Focus Area Social Transformation, Faculty of Humanities, Potchefstroom Campus, North-West University, South Africa.


Please note that I, the author, am aware that the words Creole, Bantu, Kaffir, Native, Hottentot and Bushman are no longer suitable terms and are inappropriate (even criminal) for use in general speech and writing in South Africa. (Even the words non-White and White are becoming controversial in the South African context). These terms do appear in dated documents. These terms or translations are used for the sake of historical accuracy in this article. Their use is unavoidable within this context. It is important to retain their use in this article to reflect the racist thought, speech and writings of as recently as sixty years ago. These names form part of a collection of degrading names commonly used in historical writings during the heyday of apartheid and the British imperial time. In reflecting upon the leaders and regimes of the past, it is important to foreground the racism, dehumanisation and distancing involved by showing the language used to suppress and oppress. It also helps us to place leaders and their sentiments on a continuum of racism. These negative names do not represent my views and I distance myself from the use of such language for speaking and writing. In my other research on the South African populations and political history, I use Blacks, Whites, Xhosa, Zulu, Afrikaners, Coloureds, KhoiSan (Bushmen), KhoiKhoi (Hottentots) and Boers as applicable historically descriptive names.

The propagandists’ arguments, opinions and viewpoints for changing Section 25 (2)(b) of the South African Constitution (5)

Full title: The propagandists’ arguments, opinions and viewpoints for changing Section 25 (2)(b) of the South African Constitution to make land redistribution without compensation possible. Part 1: Age-old injustice and discriminative White political and socio-economic system (5)

Gabriel P Louw

iD orcid.org/0000-0002-6190-8093

Research Associate, Focus Area Social Transformation, Faculty of Humanities, Potchefstroom Campus of the North-West University, South Africa (Author and Researcher: Health, History and Politics).

Corresponding Author:

Prof. Dr. GP Louw; MA (UNISA), PhD (PUCHE), DPhil (PUCHE), PhD (NWU)

Email: profgplouw@gmail.com

Keywords: age-old, arguments, compensation, constitution, custom, frontiersman, injustice, opinion, propagandists, landownership, land-redistribution, radicalism, socioeconomic, terrorism, viewpoint.

Ensovoort, volume 40 (2019), number 2: 3

1. Background

1.1 Introduction

The history of colonialism and imperialism poses challenges to the legitimacy of property rights today. From the Fifteenth Century onwards, European nations took control of much of North, Central and South America, large swathes of Asia and, by the Twentieth Century, most of Africa. Indigenous populations were wiped out or pushed off their land, communities were devastated and resources were appropriated for Western profit; and

There is nothing voluntary about this process. Indeed, it is hard to see the original appropriation and privatisation of commonly owned resources as anything but theft.1:153

The propagandists, in line with Martinez1, pinpoint the occupation and possession-taking of the land and commonly owned resources of indigenous non-Whites by White settlers as outright theft. They maintain that similar behaviour has occurred in South Africa since 1652 and that the evil of land grabbing had an affect from 1652 to 1994 upon all the peoples of South Africa. Boot-Siertsema and Boot2, as well as Geen3, describe in depth the tragic chain reaction of early land grabbing by the White frontiersmen of the Cape Colony in the 1830s. This spread to the northern parts of South Africa, established itself in an extreme manner in the Transvaal Republic from the 1850s onward. The research of Geen3 and Boot-Siertsema and Boot2 shows that the Great Trek activated various negative socio-economical and political outcomes, such as the subsequent poor White problem and wrong-headed Black-White-relations, to make true segregation between the Black tribes and White settlers, as he puts it, “forever impossible”. Boot-Siertsema and Boot2 refer to the initial start-up of White discrimination, coming from 1652, as Kleine Apartheid, before it beasted aggressively transformed in the 1900s into DE Grote Apartheid. One of the most prominent negative impacts for the propagandists, in line with Martinez1 arising out of the outcomes of White colonialism, was the theft by the proto-Afrikaners of the traditional land of the Blacks and their disrespect for Black human- and civil-rights in the northern parts of South Africa. (This devastating outcome also followed as the White Trekboere moved westwards and northwestwards into the various areas like the Groot Karroo etc., of the Northern Cape (traditionally the living area of the KhoiSan and KhoiKhoi). This land theft from Blacks in the Transvaal and Free State Boer-republics resulted in the creation of landless and poor Blacks there, which is still present today all over the country and which the propagandists posit is a primary driver for the ANC regime’s intended land expropriation.2-4

With regard to the theft by the proto-Afrikaners of the traditional land of the Blacks of the northern parts of South Africa, Geen3 writes3:73:

Despite the wars of Chaka and Msilikazi in the land into which the trekkers moved, it was by no means empty of population for Native [Black] wars were not unduly destructive of life. Having subdued the Native tribes, the trekkers soon disposed them of their lands and thus helped to create a landless class of Natives, which is the source of many of the Union’s economic troubles at the present time [1946].The trekkers hardly exemplify a judicious Native policy, for their haphazard apportionment of land often without survey at all means that the Natives became mere squatters on their own tribal land; and in looking at the things exclusively from the point of view of European interests, the trekkers set the disastrous precendent of ignoring the very existence of the Native population. Sir T. Shepstone was near the truth when he wrote to the Colonial Office in January 1880 that “the government of the (Transvaal) Republic never thought it necessary, even as a matter of mere prudence, to set apart land for the occupation of the natives. The Native Problem that exercises the attention of South African statesmen today [1946] is largely the creation of the trekkers, who in the interior provinces of the Union laid the foundation of a civilization based upon a landless Bantu proletariat and a rigid maintenance of the Colour Bar in State and Church.

This creation of a lawless setup by the proto-Afrikaners and their ongoing actions as land thieves of the Black inhabitants’ land, especially in the northern parts of South Africa in the middle 1800s, is, according to the propagandists, also highlighted by Louw5. Louw5 describes in depth the early transfer and internalision of contaminated and delinquent political thinking, planning and actions of the White frontiersmen at the Cape into their own mindset, as well as into the mindsets of their descendants (the later Trekboers and Voortrekkers, and the later burghers of the Northern Cape Province and the two Boer republics). For the propagandists, Louw5 reflects that these proto-Afrikaners’ comprehensive socio-economic and politic delinquent behaviour against non-Whites, their disrespect and trampling upon the non-Whites legal rights, land ownerships and citizenships inside the greater South Africa, were as follows5:18:

The fact that the Boers constantly moved northwards confirms that: “…they wanted to do things their way”. Their way was not always within the limits of the law (like land grabbing and the planned termination of non-Whites like the KhoiSan). It resembled terrorism as described by Powell6 and Boon7. Their terrorist behaviour, as already indicated, reappeared during the Great Trek when the Voortrekkers started to occupy land that they argued and rationalised as “uninhabited and ownerless,” while in reality it was the property of Black tribes who used it as hunting grounds and pasture for their cattle and as a defence zone between hostile tribes. Despite this reality, the Boers occupied the land, often by brute force and the loss of Black lives. This first forceful occupation of Black land north of the Cape Colony’s border took the same form as the killing and atrocities during the migration of Black tribes southwards with the first and second colonisation of South Africa.The aggression of the Boers escalated with the large scale occupation of Black territory to form the Boer republics. They drove away or killed the Black owners. They used the same tactics that Shaka used in order to take over the land of other tribes. This early occupation facilitated the founding of the two Boer republics, both of which supported racial discrimination. This shows how much terrorism and Boer liberation are internalised in the minds of the Afrikaners.

The direct outcome of the above stealing of land and the focussed termination of Black resistance by the White burghers of specifically the Transvaal Boer-republic, is also evidenced for the propagandists in the writing of Thabo Makgoba8, Anglican Archbishop of Cape Town, on the tragic lot of his great-great grandfather and the loss of his family’s land at the hand of Paul Kruger and his delinquent cronies.

Makgoba writes8:21:

The Makgobas and our clan, baTlou of Makgoba’s Kloof, Limpopo, know all about the pain of having land expropriated without compensation.

When our great-great grandfather, Kgoši Mamphoku Makgoba, resisted the decision of Paul Kruger’s government to parcel out our land to White settlers in the 1890s, they sent a force of at least 4,000 to crush our army of 250. They finally caught up with Kgoši Makgoba in the kloof on a Sunday. Because Gen Piet Joubert, hero of the Boers’ First War of Liberation against the British, and his men were at church, the Swazi auxiliaries who found Makgoba cut off his head and sent it to Joubert to prove they had killed him. Announcing the news to Kruger, Joubert ended his telegram: “The Lord reigns, and I am his servant”.

We are still searching for our ancestor’s skull.

Makgoba8 writes further about this unfortunate lot of his ancestors in the Transvaal8:21:

More than 120 years later, when I drive through white owned land down the beautiful Makgoba’s Kloof Pass, I pass citrus farms, avocado pear trees and commercial pine plantations. It smells of wealth and privilege. Arriving to visit relatives at Tlhabine in the lowveld – the descendants of those driven from the kloof – it is barren by comparison. The stench is of deprivation and dispossession. The suffering and the hurt live on into the current generation.

Motsoko Pheko9, the former leader of the PAC, reflects that after 1910 the stealing of land from Blacks by Whites intensified and spread to every corner of South Africa. Pheko posits that the land stealing — which began with stealing of the land of the KhoiSan in the Cape Colony and spread to the Boer-republics to reach a climax in Apartheid – was initially positioned by the promulgation of the Berlin Act of the 26th February 1885 through which the Cape Colony became a British colony. A British colonial law, the Union of South Africa Act 1909, unites the four British colonies of the Cape, Natal, the Transvaal and the Orange Free State under exclusive White rule to what Pheko9 calls9:10: “…to fight the ‘native danger’ of African resistance against European colonialism, and which legalised racial discrimination against Africans…” .

About the deeper delinquent intention of the above European colonialism of South Africa, as far back as the 1885s, Pheko reflects further that9:10: “…even though colonialists called it the spreading of ‘Western Christian civilisation’ it was, in fact colonial terrorism.”

Pheko9 describes the immediate devastating impact of the Union Act (1910) on the nullification of Blacks’ land ownership (a land ownership situation which is still for the propagandists basically the same in 2018) and the process of stealing Black land, as follows9:10:

Within four years of the Union of South Africa Act, the colonial parliament, with the approval of the British Government, passed the racist and genocide colonial law allocating a paltry 7% of their own country to over five million Africans and giving the remaining 93% of the African land to 349 837 European settlers. This was done through the Native Land Act of 1913.

This was a crime against humanity. It was theft.

Relaying the past to the present in a critical retro-perspective upon legal land ownership, Mthombothi10 makes prominent the existence of an Africa milieu versus a European milieu, seemingly each with its own culture upon what is right or wrong, and time frames and time limits wherein these unique culture presentations were allowed as acceptable. It seems for the propagandists as though the concept of the arrival of a total, specific African political milieu, which includes the demand to the Whites to hand over in 2019 their economic empowerment obtained through centuries of colonialism and White dominance – twenty-five years after they handed over their political empowerment – has escaped the antagonists’ mindsets (mostly White) in their present rigid upholding of the not–so-friendly 1994 Constitution to secure and to assure further exclusive White land ownership. What most Whites and their many so-called rescuers and saviours (Afrikaners/Whites for the propagandists) do not understand today is that the world constantly changes and sometimes extensively and extremely. South Africa is not an example of Black extremity, but of the late arrival of African Uhuru with its own culture on what is right or wrong, together with its time frames and time limits to be able to execute this unique Uhuru.The propagandists show that the balancing of racism, economics and security empowerment are prominent and overwhelming elements here. These elements can – and it seems are going to – bring a phenomenal change to the socio-economic and political setup of the country. In this setup the Whites’ so-called richness, land ownership and privileges are fully under stress and focus. This focus and the questioning thereof are fully sanctioned by the ANC regime. For instance an element such as the intended land expropriation without compensation confirms this. One of the outcomes of political history is to remember the past in the present. Present day political alignment suddenly disrupts the badness from even the far past, as South Africa is currently experiencing, asking for a reversed replay of the past, undoing the White supremacy and their exploitation of Blacks for centuries.10

For the propagandists, it is in this context prominent that the pre-1994 exclusive White South Africa, which is still functioning, albeit extremely well-masked today, is at last being dismantled, although it has taken the ANC twenty-five years to activate the process. The propagandists allude that the message by Black South Africa is of a total socio-economic and politic change to come (not only for Whites but also Blacks): a new setup at last exclusively to be based upon true democracy, one-man-one-vote with real empowerment, exclusive majority rule in the obtaining and guarantee of the individual’s right, equality, inclusive capital to every citizen, the availability and providing of decent work and living conditions. This was a message clearly sent to the antagonists in 1960 by Nelson Mandela. This was precisely what he wanted then and what he aimed to obtain, but was foolishly ignored by the Whites under the corrupt and selfish NP-AB-DRC-alliance. It was to be believed then as a truth and a reality in coming.10

The remark of Denis Goldberg11 (as quoted by the journalist Jonathan Ancer11) when he reflects upon Nelson Mandela’s warning words during the start-up of the Rivonia Trail in 1960 and his intention to already to break down White dominance then with time (something his party is now doing very well upon his behalf), resonates in 201811:12:

Mandela, who was in prison when the Rivonia raid took place, was brought to the Palace of Justice in Pretoria to stand trial with the others. “Mandela was in short pants and sandals – they tried to humiliate him, but he was absolutely in control,” recalls Goldberg. “He told us: ‘We are not going to apologise. We are going to put apartheid on trial’”.

It seems as though the ANC regime, elite and party are now in the process of at last starting up Mandela’s long cherished dream of expropriation of land without compensation but also without any apology. But, note the propagandists, the ANC is doing more than at last putting Apartheid on trial: they are finishing it off. True rewards take time to realise and there is mostly one winner in a political war. The propagandists believe that for the ANC elite and regime their victory is in sight through the guidance of Cyril Ramaphosa with his clear planned land expropriation without compensation.3,4,9-11

However, the propagandists further emphasise that Mandela’s “Apartheid trail” also tells of an earlier Apartheid’s trail of Blacks and their struggle since then against the inhumanity and injustice brought about by the founding of the Union of South Africa in 1910. This struggle indeed comes from far back in the past: the degrading categorisation of Blacks as incompetent and uncivilized by Whites, the propagandists believe, must now with good reason be erased. This rectification includes the erasing of present day poverty, unemployment, inequality and landlessness of Blacks. For the propagandists it does not matter how doubtful and controversial the doings of the ANC regime are at present with what the antagonists propagate as so-called delinquent behaviour: such as land grabbing, it is absolutely necessary and unavoidable.3

For the propagandists it is above all the reality of today’s statutory land ownership wherein the Whites illegally hold the majority of the land. When the propagandists listen to and read of the comprehensive number of arguments, opinions and viewpoints of the antagonists (as presented by them in Articles Three and Four) objecting to a change to Section 25 by the ANC regime to expropriate land without compensation, is it clear for the propagandists that the present day political and socio-economic reality is blindly ignored and refused by the antagonists as an urgency. Political historical and legitimate reasons are why the present government must immediately activate land expropriation with or without compensation. The fact that the nationalist Afrikaners are not politically and militarily (to some extent also economically) empowered (as they were in 1994) to obstruct comprehensive land redistribution, make the circumstances optimal to now erase the injustices of the past. To wait longer will spell disaster for the economy as well as the start-up of an uncontrollable revolution. For the propagandists, Motsoko Pheko is correct to say: “we need to save South Africa”, through sound thinking and action on future land ownership, based upon an urgent legitimate, comprehensive and balanced process of land expropriation. If this process fails, South Africa can soon expect a “Bolshevik land revolution” by the masses of poor and landless Blacks. This can bring tragic consequences for all South Africans, but most of all for the antagonists who have rigidly refused since 1994 to get involved in true, constructive land reform.4,9

2. Research intentions

The research aim of this article is to evaluate and to describe in-depth and comprehensively what the propagandists believe are the hostile elements and the role-players obstructing change to Section 25 to facilitate land expropriation without compensation. The drivers and needs for an immediate change to Section 25 and the awarding of the legal right to the ANC regime to effect land expropriation without compensation, to empower the poor and landless Blacks, are for the propagandists’ outcomes from the White injustice and discriminative political and socio-economic system of South Africa, which makes the post-1994 political dispensation dysfunctional. Racial discrimination, coming from as far back as 1652, forms the basis for this negative setup.

The opposition by the propagandists of the antagonists’ arguments, opinions and viewpoints against their changing of Section 25 (2)(b) of the South African Constitution, as well as the antagonists’ opposition to the ANC regime to effect land redistribution without compensation, are central to this research.

This article (Number 5) forms the first part of the article entitled: “The propagandists arguments, opinions and viewpoints for changing Section 25 (2)(b) of the South African Constitution to make land redistribution without compensation possible: Part 1”.

The next article (Number 6), entitled: “The propagandists’ arguments, opinions and viewpoints for changing Section 25 (2)(b) of the South African Constitution to make land redistribution without compensation possible: Part Two”, will further describe and evaluate in depth and comprehensively, what the propagandists believe are the White injustice and discriminative elements and role-players, which are making the post-1994 political dispensation’s political and socio-economic system of South Africa dysfuntional.

2.1. Method

The research was carried out by means of a literature review. This method had the aim of building a viewpoint from the available evidence as the research developed. This approach is used in modern day political-historical research where there is a lack of an established body of research upon the ownership of South African soil for the period 1652 to 2018 in South Africa. The sources included articles for 2018, books for the period 1945 to 2018 and newspapers for the period 2017 to 2019. These sources were consulted in order to evaluate and to describe the present day arguments, opinions and viewpoints of the propagandists to change Section 25(2)(b) of the Constitution to make land redistribution without compensation possible.

The research findings are presented in narrative format.

3. Discussion

3.1. The pre-1994 White injustice and discrimitive political and socio-economic system of South Africa

The propagandists’ counter arguments, opinions and viewpoints against those of the antagonists (see the two previous articles, numbers Three and Four) reflect a broad identification and pinpointing of the elements and role-players alleged by the propagandists to be active and/or established in the White injustice and discrimitive political and socio-economic system of South Africa. This comes from as far back as 1652, and led to the poverty, unemployment, inequality and landlessness of masses of Blacks, which obstructed the 1994 political dispensation to better the lives of Blacks. These elements and role-players’ negativisms, internalised in the mindsets of the broad public by the antagonists with their fake news and data, have so far blocked the change to Section 25 to effect land expropriation without compensation. The propagandists allege that much of the delinquent political thinking and action, frequently characterise the antagonistic Whites’ mindsets. Examples thereof are the antagonists’ rigid underwriting and preaching of exclusive capitalism, their outright support for White corrupt business and financial capitalist bullies, their exclusive underwriting of Western political ideologies alone, their opposition of free political and economic world associations, their obstruction of inclusive/social capitalism, their anti-Black orientations, and the execution of White psychopathological politics. These are cognitions created over decades through White socio-economic and political empowerment, discrimination and domination of Blacks. These elements and role-players as negative determinants, form part in this research of the propagandists’ presentation to be understood and to be unmasked in order to persuade the voters to give their permission for the change of Section 25 to effect the land expropriation without compensation. The opinion of the researcher is that only through such a comprehensive presentation of primary as well as secondary negative determinants in the case of the propagandists, in their opposition of the antagonists’ case in the present “informal court”, can the situation be evaluated with justice and with balance. Indeed, such a comprehensive presentation was already allowed for the antagonists in the previous two articles (See Articles Three and Four of the series).

The primary aims with this article (Part One) as well as the next one (Part Two) are thus to reflect in depth and as broadly as possible upon the various elements and role-players obstructing change to Section 25 of the Constitution. It is only by such a comprehensive presentation that a picture of the propagandists’ civil rights, to be able to change the Constitution in its present form to effect land expropriation, can be made. The presentation, evaluation and description of the various elements and role-players of this article will devolve further and broadly into Article Six (Part: Two).

The presentation of the various elements and role-players in this article will be done in sixteen subdivisions. In the next article (Part Two) this presentation of the various elements and role-players will continue with another six subdivisions.

3.2. Myths, lies and fables fabricated by the antagonists in order to obstruct the intended land expropriation

The propagandists postulate that the antagonists have mastered the ability to turn myths, lies and fables into truths in their attacks on the government’s genuine effort to assure political stability in the country through their planned land transformation. Prominent for the propagandists is the antagonists’ misuse of the public media in order to depict the ANC regime both nationally and internationally as radical and Marxist driven, with the sole intention to nationalise all private property and assets. Futher untruths for the propagandists are the public reflection of an overall hostility by the ANC and Blacks against the Whites and the rejection of Whites as indigenous South Africans. Constructive and positive efforts by the ANC to better the relationship between Blacks and Whites are denounced and mostly cold shouldered by the antagonists. Prominent for the propagandists in this continuing creation of conflict is the destructive behaviour of the so-called rescuers and saviours of the Afrikaners/Whites – coming from Apartheid South Africa and its White privileges and rights, still rigidly captured in the upkeep of it and lacking the understanding of the future – with their organised fake and false news. It seems as though these irresponsible so-called rescuers and saviours of the Afrikaners/Whites are totally missing out on a modern day African perspective on the anger which is characterised by the landlessness in South Africa. Incorporated herein stand the immense risks they are taking in their political blindness by ignoring the realities which put land expropriation as a first priority.4,12-18

These so-called rescuers’ and saviours’ histories reflect an adverse political setup of racism and the focused obstruction of Black rule, spelling future doom if Whites’ political blindness on land ownership is not erased. It it is essential that they shed and part from their favoured past. The investigative journalist Jonny Steinberg,15 author of the book “Midlands” on the conflict and tragedies in the Ixopo area of Natal-KwaZulu in post-1994 South Africa, referred later in 2013 in the literary magazine Granta to the fate of a White farmer family. The Mitchells find themselves in the middle of this Black-White conflict and violence. They lost their son in this violence in Ixopo, and had ignored realities and a request for adaptation, as follows15:17: “Peter Mitchell died on a frontier, not so much between black and white, or between the landed and the landless, as between the past and the future.”

The journalist Fred Khumalo15 contends that when Apartheid ended in 1994, as many as 2 million Black South African labour tenants were living under the proprietorship of only 50 000 or so White farmers, reflecting a ratio of 40 Blacks tenants without their own land for every one White farmer with land. (Today these labour tenants number more or less 860 000, while the White farmers number approximately 35 000, to still give a high ratio of 1:25). For the propagandists, this shows that the so-called “baas-kneg-setup” is more or less the same as 25 years ago. In this present day context of an ongoing imbalance of “Black-tenantship” versus “White proprietorship” regarding land, politics and economics, there have indeed been positive developments and outcomes outside the so-called rescuers’ and saviours’ political contamination, although Black poverty still reigns, as today’s setup in Ixopo reflects15:17:

Meanwhile, back in Ixopo, many white farmers have regained their equanimity. The Mitchells and other from the “old era” have left. The Mitchel farm has been taken over by labour tenants, some of whom have lived there for five generations. They live on it but are too poor to farm it.

Neighbouring white farmers who stayed behind have moved quikly to build bridges between white and black, landed and landless. But the fear [of whites] is far from over.

Allan Paton’s15 call in 1948 (the same year that the racist NP came to power) upon the theft of Black peoples’ land by their White conquerers since the 1600s in his book: “Cry, the Beloved Country”, has not receded15:17: “Cry, the beloved country, these things are not yet at an end. The sun pours down on the earth, on the lovely land that man cannot enjoy. He knows only the fear of his heart.” South Africa is now 70 year older than when the sentence was uttered, but the potential of the unleashing of a bloodbath is still there in 2019 by the actions of the antagonists in their retention of Blacks’ stolen land and their blindly ignoring racial politics.

On today’s emergence of the land expropriation without compensation issue, Khumalo refers back to the incomplete 1994 political dispensation of which the so-called rescuers and saviours are deliberately ignoring and which needs to be rectified. Khumalo15 writes15:17:

The apartheid regime collapsed and was replaced by the ANC of Mandela in 1994.

But the new party couldn’t readily reverse the horror of land dispossession without falling foul of the carefully crafted Constitution of 1996, the result of the give-and-take negotiated settlement between the old regime and the Black liberation movement. The Constitution put great emphasis upon the protection of (White) private property.

What is called the “land question” in SA has become topical once again, after the government proclaimed its expropriation-without-conpensation intentions.

Indeed, the focus is back upon the past wrongdoings to Blacks on their land grabbing by Whites, pinpointing at the least to 1913 and the proclamation of the Native Land Act.9

It is also important, in the continuing of the so-called rescuers’ and saviours’ adverse political setup of racism and the focused obstruction of Blacks’ justified land- and citizens-rights in 2019, to note the words of the Reverend Msimangu in the late 1940s. Khumalo reflects15:17:

“I have one great fear in my heart, that one day when they are turned to loving, they will find we are turned to hating.”

The breathless intensity of these words can never be overemphasised. When they were written, in 1946, the Black masses were on their knees, begging their White, supposed fellow countrymen to allow them a place in the sun.

The advent of democracy after 1994 has emboldened Black people to be able to stop some of the suffering of Apartheid and its White officialdom. But there are many outstanding issues which must be addressed. But for the propagandists the Black population is thankfully today empowered enough to be able to question things withour fear, as can prominently be seen in the redistribution of land ownership to Blacks. After 1994, spilling over to 2019, South Africa will never be the same again.4,12-18

For the propagandists it is important that the many myths and lies, circulated at present by the antagonists on the land ownership matter, are unmasked and erased from the mindsets of ordinary people.

3.2.1. The antagonists’ organised sabotage of the 1994 dispensation programme

The propagandists’ postulate that the antagonists already started in 1994 to intensively agitate against even the initial intended land redistributions prescribed by the 1994 dispensation programme. Prominent were organised efforts of the antagonists to obstruct the government’s buy-outs of White land by inflating the prices of farms and constantly going to court if the government’s offerings were “beyond the market value” of the farms. Accompaning this was the antagonists’ agitation against any further land redistributions as those initially intended by the 1994 dispensation programme. This organised obstruction of the goodwill of the ANC regime by the antagonists, spearheaded mostly by the irresponsible so-called rescuers and saviours of the Afrikaners/Whites, was directly responsible for more or less 5% of the land transfers of the 1994 dispensation programme still being outstanding at present. Furthermore, the inflated prices paid for White land led thereto that the funding of the buy out of farms for Black farmers was seriously hampered, while the funding needed to develop and run the newly activated Black farms, was lacking. It is clear that the intention of the present obstruction of the post-2019 land expropriation programme by the antagonists is the maintenance of the pre-1994 White economics, rights and privileges.4,12-18

The impact of the many myths and lies upon the country’s immediate political and socio-economic security, deliberately circulated at present by the antagonists with planned mischief, is noted by the editor of the Sunday Times – a journalist of status, who, so far in the fighting around land expropriation and the converse allegation of Black racism and revolutionism unique to the ANC regime, as well as the alleged Whites’ political opportunism and crooking, stays impartial at a distance with only wisdom and good advice to all the parties involved. He recently issued a clear borderline to the so-called rescuers and saviours of the Afrikaners/Whites which they in the future with their fake news, myths and lies dare not cross. For the propagandists this is an impartial guideline (and a possible warning of a dragon waiting to be awakened). It is much needed to steer the antagonists to political and personal sanity, honesty, integrity and truth. The propagandists feel that the importance of the editorial report requires that the full text be reflected as an introduction. On the 16th December 2018 the editor19 wrote in his editorial under the title: “A day for reconciliation and reflection”, as follows19:18:

The fact that there is a need to correct the wrongs of the past is not in dispute.The inequalities that exist in SA are a direct result of laws that not only discriminated against people based on skin colour, but also dispossessed them of their properties, rendering them paupers in thei own country.

President Cyril Ramaphosa has repeatedly assured us that the process to correct the wrongs will be done within the laws and the Constitution. This is a move that should be supported by all South Africans, because, when done correctly, it could resolve a century-old land dispute – and promote stability.

But there are forces that have hijacked this noble process to serve their selfish political interests. On one side are the EFF, Black Land First and the so-called “radical economic transformation” champions in the ANC. While it is unavoidable to talk about race when talking about redress, the racial slurs that are being thrown around with such recklessness can only take the reconciliation project 20 years backwards. One does not have to advocate hate for a particular race to make one’s argument.

On the other side of the spectrum are AfriForum and other rightwingers who propagate the lie that correcting the legacy of apartheid and colonialism amounts to reverse racism. Their spreading of propaganda that there is a genocide against whites serves only to create unnecessary tension.

The South African Human Rights Commission says the number of complaints related to racial slurs is at a record high. “Most of these cases involve the use of the ‘k-word’ and other derogatory comments with the racial undertones, such as use of the terms ‘baboon’ or ‘monkey’,” the commission said early this year.

In addition to the huge task of cleaning up the government and the state institutions, Ramaphosa has another responsibility: that of putting the reconciliation project envisaged by our founders back on track as we celebrate the Day of Reconciliation today. Irresponsible leaders who thrive on inciting hatred and violence must be condemned as we move towards the nonracial, nonsexist and equal society that many fought and died to achieve. Today is an opportunity for all of us to reflect.

3.2.2 ANC an autocratic and fascist regime, untolerant to its opposition?

One of the most outstanding myths and lies offered by the antagonists is their successful labeling of the ANC regime as racist, autocratic and fascist; a regime which suppresses the opposition’s political rights. In this propaganda the Whites are alleged to be victims since 1994. Prominently specific is the false reflection of the ANC regime as a revolutionary and Marxist organisation with an anti-Western and anti-capitalist inclination. Especially since 2016, the antagonists have hijacked the media with their immense hostility against the ANC regime. Central thereto stands the profiling by the antagonists of the Afrikaners/Whites as innocent people in the South African political history who have only done good since 1652 to non-Whites, specifically the Blacks. Donald Trump was even seated in this circle of allegations and falsities by the antagonists. How the Afrikaners/Whites obtained ownership of land and other assets, seemed not to be a point of importance known by the broad public. Prominent myths and lies became truths in the mindsets of the antagonists and are manifested as true cognitions in the mindset of the ordinary White.4,12-18

Looking to the immense false information offered since 1994 by the antagonists about the ANC’s alleged racial intentions and suppression of Whites, is it clearly malevolent politics. The facts are there that the ANC regime never in any way followed the suppression of their opponents (mostly Blacks) as the NP regime did between 1948 and 1994, or the pre-1948 White regimes. Facts contradict the falsity reflecting the ANC regime as anti-democratic or as suppressing the rights of any citizen.The absolute permitting of free speech by the ANC regime, as this research reflects (see the manifold direct and indirect allegations, remarks and opinions of journalists, etc., as reflected in Articles 3 and 4). This is a clear confirmation of the democratic inclination of the ANC regime by allowing all these allegations, etc. by the antagonists against them without the banning of organisations such as the EFF, Black Land First, the RET radicals in the ANC, AfriForum and other White rightwing bodies and the incarceration of these organisations’ leaders, as would undoubtedly have happened if the NP-AB-DRC-Alliance was still the government of the day. Neither is there the presence of assassinations of opponents, as also occurred under the NP regime. 4,12-18

The propagandists show that the use by the antagonists of the writings of persons who are not part of the leadership or advisory bodies of the ANC, as coming officially from the ANC regime, to reflect the ANC regime as suppressors of their opponents, are malevolent politics practiced by the antagonists. Prominent here is the manipulation of opinions to be that of the ANC, such as the refence to the so-called new African empowerment movement and the intent to focus the term and its benefits exclusively upon “African Blacks” only. Here radicalism is prominent, but, the propagandists emphasise this is from outside the ANC. The suggestion that the definition in the draft amendment to the regulations of the Preferential Procurement Policy Framework Act must be changed, not to define the identity Black further in terms of three classes as being African, Indian and Coloured, but should only be applicable to African Blacks, is clearly a remark misused by the antagonists for opportunistic reasons. Brun17 on this “Blackish“ issue writes17:22: “This is a hugely politicised area that needs to be dealt with boldly by the lawmakers if radical economic transformation is to be a reality in South Africa.There has to be an acknowledgement that during apartheid Black South Africans were treated unfairly at different levels, with Africans being discriminated against the most.” RET was an issue, with the focus upon an exclusiveness of a Black identity, promoted by Jacob Zuma. It is a discriminative political outcome which does not form part, in contrast to Brun’s17 propagation, of the ANC’s principles vested in the Freedom Charter of 1955.17,20,21

Reflecting specifically upon the nationalist Afrikaners’ general discriminative behaviour in terms of their autocratic and fascist regime, intolerant of their opposition, when comparing the ANC with the NP on the underwriting of democracy, are their extreme hostile actions against the Jews as another White race, during World War Two under DF Malan and HF Verwoerd. Malan, beset by purified nationalism under the Nazi doctrine of anti-Semitism, denounced the Jews as an unassimilable group. Louw4 writes4:141: “Even the belief that the Jews are the Chosen People of the Bible was skilfully extinguised in the mindsets of the Boers under the influence of the purified Afrikaners. The Synod of the Dutch Reformed Church annulled the Divine decree that the Jews were God’s Chosen People after a study on the historic credentials of the Jews”. In this regard it must be noted that South Africa was at that time a safe place to settle for German Jews fleeing Nazi persecution and genocide. Under Malan and his collaborators, the Jews became a target, leading to the prohibiting of further Jewish immigration. This anti-Jewish hostility of the “purified” nationalist Afrikaners reached a climax when a German chartered ship, the Stuttgart, arrived in Cape Town filled with German Jews and urgently looking for asylum. An agitation by Malan’s “purified” nationalist Afrikaners forced Hertzog’s government to act and the Aliens Bill ended the entrance of Jewish refugees (even the liberal JC Smuts did not block this draconian act). By his blocking of German Jewish refugees into South Africa, Malan and his collaborators made themself directly part of the killing and genocide of German and other European Jews by making it impossible for them to flee the Nazis.4

The extreme political racial mindset of the nationalist Afrikaners is further reflected by Malan’s successor, HF Verwoerd. Verwoerd started to ruthlessly conduct his policy of Grand Apartheid from 1948 onwards. Today his unjustified expropriation of South African non-Whites property and the illegal sending of a mass of South African Blacks to so-called unprofitable “Bantustans” is old, but is still not forgotten and is embittered news. His expropriation of South African Coloureds’ and Indians’ property at cheap prices, located in so-called White group areas and their relocation to so-called exclusively “Coloured” and “Indian” living zones, became the rule of the day. The same discrimitive policy for the non-Whites work-, living- and citizens’-rights followed.The psychological and physical estrangements which Malan and Verwoerd brought between Black and White seems to have become permanent, making the Afrikaners still outcasts today, with a limited knowledge of South Africa’s indigenous realities.4

Never in any of the post-1994 stand offs between Blacks and Whites did the ANC unleash violence such as that perpetuated by the White NP regime on Blacks, especially between 1960 and 1976. The undermentioned serve as excellent examples.15:17

On the 21st March 1960 in the small township of Sharpeville south of Johannesburg, in a conflict between Black marchers and the police, 60 Black people were killed in cold blood – as highlighted by Khumalo15 as White aggression against Blacks15:17: “…shot in the back as they were running away from the scene when it became clear that the police were intent on unleashing violence.”

In the 1976 student uprising as many as 500 kids were killed by the police in the first week of protests.15

On the 12th September 1977, in line with the many other murders of Black resistance leaders, the father of Black Consciousness, Steve Biko, was murdered by the police in his cell in Pretoria.15

The above ethnic and racial cleansing by the NP regime of Whites or Blacks never reflects under the so-called Black ANC, according to the propagandists.

Secondly, the propagandists see radical minority groups such as the EFF, Black Land First and the RET- champions in the ANC as very contaminated and dangerous role-players and not as political partners to the ANC, as the antagonists allege. In perspective, Ramaphosa’s regime sees these Black “radicals” as part of the greater Black community and the practice of democratic politics that must be allowed at all times as opponents of the ANC. For the propagandists, these radicals are a temporary nuisance and is it clear that they will naturally be phased out totally from politics by the public self after next year’s election. The so-called saviours and rescuers of the Afrikaners/Whites stand independent from Ramaphosa’s inner circle of his democratic regime. They are role-players in the wider South African society, who he, as a democratic leader, cannot and dare not try to reign in from future politics, notwithstanding their official sabotage of the government’s good actions. Any actions, legally prescribed by the Constitution to counter their dangerous falsities, would immediately be seen as suppression of the minorities, specifically the Whites, as was already reflected by the false information on so-called “White farmer murders” sent by the antagonists to Donald Trump to turn him on the ANC regime. 4,12-18

In the ANC’s post-1994 democratically orientated and driven government, is it exclusively up to the greater group of Afrikaners/Whites as responsible citizens to totally get rid of their so-called “self-appointed” saviours and rescuers such as AfriForum, Solidarity, Agri SA and other Afrikaner/White rightwingers before their behaviour becomes out of hand and endangers the greater White group, which they undoubtedly do not represent. The facts are there that these antagonists already count less than 10% of the White population, but became overrated by their propaganda via the Afrikaner media. If these radical rightwingers continue with their many conflicting and false propagandas, especially their ongoing obstruction of the correction of the legacy of apartheid and colonialism, the only option left for Ramaphosa and his ANC regime is to constructively stop the antagonists’ sabotage by muzzling them within the rules that the Constitution allows a democratic government in order to assure its people’s safety. According to the propagandists, the so-called saviours and rescuers of the Afrikaners/Whites are at the moment far more radical and a danger to the country’s safety than the EFF’s rowdy group or the few RET radicals of the ANC. Irresponsible behaviour by the antagonists, using well planned falsities to incite hatred and violence between the races, must for the propagandists not only be condemned, but removed from society if South Africa hopes to ever reach a non-racial, non-sexist and equal society. Irresponsible leaders who thrive on inciting hatred and violence must be condemned and isolated. Today is an opportunity for the Whites to also reflect reconciliation instead of inciting violence.4,12-18

Thirdly, the antagonists not only masterfully cover up the NP’s autocratic and extreme suppression of Blacks between 1948 and 1994, but also the political history of White autocratic suppression of Blacks from 1652 onward, as well as the Whites’ extreme grabbing of Blacks’ land. This land grabbing by Whites, accompanied by murder and even genocide of the Blacks, forms the basis for the propagandists’ reasoning as to why land transfer from Whites to Blacks is an immediate must in order to erase poverty created by landlessness. This process on White land grabbing (including genocide), since 1652, is comprehensive and of immediate importance. It unmasks the antagonists’ falsities on how today’s Whites “honestly” obtained their land and riches.Thus the earlier political history of the Whites, indeed of South Africa, must be reflected upon in depth. This political historical evidence totally refutes the Whites’ present day legal ownership of land and indeed makes the antagonists’ objection to change Section 25 by the ANC regime at this stage without base.4,15

Looking at the concept “democracy” practised in the politics of 1913 to 1994 under the White regimes, it was only “White democracy” enjoyed exclusively by the Whites in 93% of South Africa with one-man-vote against the subjecting of the majority Black population in this area to absolute autocracy and fascist rule of second class citizenship.3,4,8 Trustworthy evidence rejects the ANC as an autocratic and facist regime, intolerant of its opposition.

3.2.3. Political-historical background to White land grabbing

Central here for the propagandists is the Whites’ extreme land grabbing from Blacks and other non-Whites, over the period 1652 up to 1994. For the propagandists this mass of White wrongdoings went unnoticed due to the manipulation of the truth and the offering of misleading information by the various White rulers from 1652 to 1994 to the public, based upon an exclusive false White political history of South Africa. The propagandists furthermore see the faulty and manipulated 1994 political dispensation of the NP as an upholder of the pre-1994 White supremacy and its politics, limiting the outcome and exposure of the true political history of the South African Blacks which originated in the 1600s.22-27

To better reflect the false arguments, opinions and viewpoints of the antagonists, the propagandists find it of critical importance to show that the radical racial land grabbing behaviour by South African Whites has an established aetiology which dates specifically from the 1700s politics of the early White Boers on the borders.3,4,23,28 [Geen3 categorises and describes these early Boers as the White frontiersmen (Grensboere) and the migratory Boers (Trekboere) and Voortekkers].

In reaction to the antagonists’ constant and prominent mention of Shaka’s earlier murdering of other Blacks in his land grabbing as a similar phenomenon to the intended land expropriation without compensation from Whites under Cyril Ramaphosa, the propagandists feel it is important to also bring the same kind of alleged murdering and land grabbing intentions, inclinations and wrongdoings of the earlier Whites/Afrikaners to the foreground. Many descriptions and overviews are indeed available on the character profile and delinquent political and racial doings of the proto-Afrikaners (frontiersmen) and the post-1910 nationalist Afrikaners.3,4,28-31

In this established aetiology, which dates from the 1700s political history of the early Boers on the borders, the role models of the autocratic Netherlanders and British authories at the Cape is central. It is specifically the British authorities who were responsible for the introduction of immense negative racial and political cognitions into the mindsets of the proto-Afrikaners. The British Empire was cold blooded towards any non-British persons when its immediate interests, such as land, assets, income and empowerment, were endangered. [It did not hesitate to use extreme force when needed, as reflected in its genocidial war against the Boers and their families during the Second Anglo Boer War (1899–1902), in order to take ownership of the land and assets of the Boer-republics]. The British autocratic management and politics at the Cape Colony inspired further hostility among Black and White inhabitants (based upon the imperial principle of divide the inhabitants of their colonies to be able to rule). This was activated by the Netherlanders and laid the table for future ethnic and racial hatred. In this negative socio-economic and political setup, the proto-Afrikaners’ mindsets became contaminated with racism and violence against non-Whites. The already impoverished and vulnerable non-Whites, who stood directly in political, social and economic competition with the White inhabitants, became for the White inhabitants, as their political empowerment and interests grew, an immediate target to isolate and to discriminate against so as to survive financially and politically. This negative racial besetting of the early White inhabitants’ mindsets was transferred to the burghers of the Boer-republics, the Union of South Africa, to reach a climax with Apartheid in the later nationalist Afrikaner Republic.3,4,29,32

The propagandists postulate that the years 1652 to 1910 internalised cognitions of prominent radical White racism, fascist and right-wing thought patterns into the mindsets of the proto-Afrikaners about Blacks in general. Central to this political and socio-economic setup stands the Blacks’ status as inferior humans. This extreme Afrikaner radicalism (which was well masked untill today behind so-called good Afrikaner nationalism) is evidenced for the propagandists by the extreme suppression and the dehumanising of Blacks – which became entrenched as acceptable, correct and good behaviour in the mindsets of the early as well as the latter day Afrikaners, equating their delinquent behaviour to political terrorism and extreme political radicalism in South African politics. The Malan Manifesto of 1948 which introduced Grand Apartheid, confirms this political terrorism and extreme political radicalism par excellence for the propagandists.3.4.23,28

Notwithstanding that statehood apparently reached the nationalist Afrikaners at the end of 1948, their isolation from true democracy for over two hundred and twenty years at the Cape, argue the propagandists, left them permanently politically disabled and immature, and full of distrust for their fellow non-White South Africans, equal to their hatred and distrust for the Britons. Although the Afrikaners after 1910 with their gradual receiving of a kind of political independence from the British, started to preach fellowship and justice between the races inside South Africa, it is important to note that there is an immense difference between the professing of multi-racial politics and race equality in theory, and the practice of true human tolerance. For the nationalist Afrikaners, exclusively captured into the dogma of the NP-AB-DRC-alliance, community fellowship was in real life mostly limited to other White persons, and mostly other Afrikaners. The political realities and outcomes of South Africa up to 1994 reflect evidence for the propagandists of a barbarous story of political and criminal delinquent thinking, planning and action of the Whites’ in their ruling, fellowship and justice against non-Whites.3,4 Land grabbing through White mob reign and mob behavior

White South Africans, especially the majority group, the Afrikaners, knew from their early days at the Cape that to rule the country and its people, they must, as a prerequisite, capture and hold on to two intertwined energies: money and politics.This proverb stands out prominently for them: they who have the money rule the politics and they who have the politics rule the money.3,4,33

To be able to obtain such a political White utopia, they implemented and made intensive use from 1910 of Apartheid’s political model of terrorism, dehumanising and land grabbing to create a political-economic system which would be exclusively theirs untill 1994. This basic mandate of dominantly reigning Chomsky33 explains as follows33:55: “…concentration of wealth leads almost reflexively to concentration of political power, which in turn translates into legislation, naturally in the interests of those implementing it…”; and21:82: “…concentrated wealth will, of course, try to use its wealth and power to take over the political system as much as possible, and to run it and do what it wants, etc”.

This White obsession: to have the money and to rule the politics simultaneously, is for the propagandists excellently reflected by the South African political history of the 1910s which shows that within four years after the Union of South Africa Act, the Union’s White colonial parliament allocated 93% of the Africans’ land to 349 837 European settlers, leaving over five million Blacks in possession of only 7% of their own country.9

For the propagandists it is a fact that White South Africans did not want after 1910 (and indeed not from 1652) a non-White regime in power after their “own suffering” on the hands of the VOC and the British Empire. To intertwine the concentration of political power and the concentration of wealth exclusively, and to keep up this immense empowerment, the Whites resorted fast to political mobbing of the country’s political system, started up earlier at the Cape border districts, followed by the Boer-republics of the Transvaal and the Free State, and moving into the Union of South Africa. The White founders of the Union and the earlier and later nationalist Afrikaner leaders such as Paul Kruger, DF Malan, HF Verwoerd and BJ Vorster, clearly reflect for the propagandists the characteristics of political mobsters. Exclusive White land ownership stands central within political mobbing.4,7,22-27,34,35

In this context is it important to note Boon’s7:75 description of the characteristics of a political mobster: “Selfishness; delinquent inclinations all-over; strategies totally stripped of all democratic principles, traditions, thinking, planning and doings; absolutely intolerant; anti-order; minorities are quickly eradicated; coercion actions characterised by destruction, threats, killings and brutalities; aim the creation of a delinquent mob-reign; aim the exclusive of executive political mob-leaders to reign the country”. Looking critically at the 1960s political history of South Africa, the nationalist Afrikaners did not even try to shield this political mobbery practised by them from the public’s eyes. This delinquency was justified under their fight against the so-called “Communism Danger.”

To completely understand the immense negative internalised racial political and socio-economical cognitions in the mindsets of the White frontiersmen, proto-Afrikaners and nationalist Afrikaners, coming from 1652, and to be able to evaluate it in terms of Boon’s7 definition of a political mobster, the propagandists refer to the description of Louw36 on the proto-Afrikaners and Afrikaners racial discrimination which reads36:21:

The racial discrimination … exclusively based upon skin colour and officially recorded in 1671 with the Godske instruction, can be regarded as the first apartheid law of South Africa. Godske was the first White proponent of organised racial discrimination, eventually against all people of colour. However, this discrimination seemed to adhere to a view where ethnicity is seen in terms of class, meaning that the poor, and therefore to a certain extent the underdeveloped non-Whites at the Cape, were regarded as having lower socio-economical standing and as “untouchables.” The slaves especially were stripped of their human rights and dignity and their financial and personal independence. They were impoverished. Also, the initial problems with the behaviour of the first slaves in 1658 and the Hottentots in terms of work and social habits and aggressiveness already manifested from 1652. This contributed further to levels of social differentiation and discrimination between certain sectors of the White community and other racial groups in general (specifically guided and practiced officially by the Cape authority). It is in this context that the VOC implemented a strict policy of separation between Whites and the other races such as the slaves, Hottentots and Blacks from 1671. Later the Xhosas, with whom the Whites started to make contact in 1730, were included. This was extended to all Blacks and to all other races in South Africa from the 1850s onwards, especially in the republics of the Transvaal and the Free State. The year 1671 can therefore be considered the beginning of socio-controlled racial manipulation and engineering in South Africa, specifically with the aim of Whites limiting and managing the personal and group rights of all other racial groups in some way.

3.2.4. Cape’s White frontiersmen’s unwelcome presence in land of the KhoiSan

To obtain insight into the Whites’ political, social and economic manipulations and of the wanton actions accompanying their comprehensive grabbing of land from Blacks, the propagandists’ emphasise that it is important to revisit the political history of the country and to refresh the mindsets of the antagonists as to what their real political identity is. It gives insight into how mob leaderships and mob politics became part of the Afrikaners’ psyche and drove their land grabbing, contradicting the antagonists’ reflecting of the Afrikaners/Whites as land owners by justice and “political angels”, while the ANC regime is now falsely labeled as “land grabbers”. The antagonists are for the propagandists far from innocent citizens, wrongfully made political and racial black sheep by the ANC regime, as they try hard to reflect.

The illegal land occupations from the early- to late 1700s by Whites brought them and the non-Whites into face-to-face conflict. The abundance of soil and good conditions of the interior for stock farming, as well as the little initial physical resistance from the KhoiKhoi and KhoiSan, fast activated a self-sufficient lifestyle of the so-called White frontiersmen with a pastoral and nomadic existence: cattle bartering with the KhoiKhoi, hunting of an overabundance of game and the daily overseeing of their stock. There was no effective border policy and strict ruling by the VOC of their White subjects whose ancestors came initially to South Africa to farm only around Cape Town.3,4,28-31 White frontiersmen’s disorderly lifestyle

The VOC tacitly allowed the White frontiersmen to enlarge the colony’s area constantly by their shifting of the one official border to the following border; deeper and deeper inland, and by the taking over of non-Whites’ traditional land. This created a more and more disorderly form of government and lifestyle. Two prominent negative outcomes follow this White expansion: a moral decay and racial inclinations against Blacks.3,4,28-31 Moral decay as a result of cultural isolation and deprivation

The White frontiersmen’s cultural and governmental isolation claimed a price. Within two generations, negative outcomes followed due to their isolation from the traditional Cape European culture, together with the absence of good law and order overseen by the VOC. Their geographical isolation not only resulted in a lack of educational facilities and cultural and life-enriching influences, but fast installed a down-scaling in their European standards of living and disrespect for law and order, basically as a result of the absence of good and constant policing of their behaviour from outside.3

About their prominent cultural impoverishment, Geen3 writes3:29:

…but the isolation and difficulties of frontier life also made them limited in their outlook, impatient with all forms of control and so intensely individualistic that it became difficult to unite them in effective co-operation. They lost most of their civilisation on the way to the Promised Land. Some could write, still more could sign their names, many read the Bible, especially the Old Testament, into which they read a justification of themselves, their beliefs and all their works, but for the rest, learning and the affairs of the great world were closed books to them.

The impact of this cultural and personal decay was immense and infiltrated their whole lifestyle, as well as their previously internalised values, customs and traditions of good standards, based upon European culture. It is also evidenced in its negative streaming into the life-styles and characters of their descendants: the Trekboere and Voortrekkers and these groups’ descendants. This ongoing “European deculturing” and barbarism of the Whites, spreading overall to every level of their lives, is well illustrated later by the view of the post-1836 British Government at the Cape, after the annexation of the Transvaal and Free State Republics, to label their burghers as backwards people who the British were forced to make “acceptable and fitting” into the British Empire.3,4,31,37 Whites’ development and practice of immense racial and criminal delinquent behaviors

The geographical isolation at the Cape frontier, where there was mostly a shortage of direct governmental oversight and the accompanying prosecution of criminal delinquency, led thereto that many of these frontier Boers and their children lacked an immense sense of law abiding and fear. The delinquent behaviour of the White frontiersmen, mostly ignored by the Cape Authority, internalised and strengthened the cognition with them that their behaviour was entirely correct and appropriate. This “correct and appropriate” delinquent behaviour includes a great variety of wrongdoings, such as the illegal grabbing of land and livestock of the indigenous people, up to their assault and murder. The failure of the VOC Government at the Cape to handle the White frontiersmen’s increasingly delinquent actions towards indigenous South Africans and their unrelenting illegal grabbing of the KhoiSan’s land set the stage to come for immense conflict, bloodshed and the creation of permanent hatred between Whites and non-Whites. Prominently outstanding here is the White frontiersmens’ development of strong negative views upon race differentiation, the belief of the baas-kneg-system and Christian-versus-heathen. This process undoubtedly incorporated a combination of negative racial cognitions, customs, traditions, opinion, beliefs and views, which they carried with them as the so-called Voortrekkers later moved further north into the two Boer-republics as well as the so-called Trekboere when they moved west and east into the rest of the country. This combination of negative racial cognitions, customs, traditions, beliefs and views also streamed into the Union in 1910 and later into the nationalist Afrikaners’ short lived Verwoerdian republic. It laid the foundation of racism and racial disharmony, with a pivot around land owneship, which has been the country’s main problem until today.3,4,28-31

Referring to the criminal actions of the White frontiersmen/proto-Afrikaners at the Cape, Louw36 describes them as36:32: “…White men who became in their own right sheriffs, cowboys, outlaws and crooks in a completely unorganised border area”.

Geen3 refers to the disorderly and law evasive actions of the White frontiersmen and proto-Afrikaners as follows3:23-24: “In fact, since that it had appeared as though the central government was leaving the defense of the borders to the frontiersmen, so that in time they came to look upon themselves not only as their own defense but as a law unto themselves”, and3:68-69: “They had become a race of extreme individualists with an inherited suspicion of any authority and discipline, so that they viewed with dismay the steady extension of magisterial districts, which in their eyes meant stricter government control…”

Deneys Reitz3 reflects on these early Afrikaners as follows3:69: “Knowing my countrymen as I do, I think the cause of their leaving [Great Trek] was not so much hatred of British rule as a dislike of any rule”. Presence of terrorism coming from the proto-Afrikanerism

Looking critically at the foundation of the racist and defiant thinking of the early Afrikaners, is it clear that they expressed their Afrikanerism without inhibition, and among their uninhibited wrongdoings are terrorist attacks upon non-Whites, especially when land grabbing was present. Louw5 contends5:18:

“It is very important to pause for a moment to consider this early Boer mentality and their views of what is civilised and uncivilised behaviour, of what is right and wrong. Land grabbing and suppression of other groups were part of their way of doing things”.

In this context of anarchy, according to Louw5 , is it important to look again at Powell’s6 description of terrorism, which reads6:9: “Violence against a person and/or serious damage to property designed to influence a government or an international organisation or to intimidate the public or a section of the public with the aim of advancing a political, religious, racial or ideological cause”.

Louw5 further posits5:18:“When considering the actions of the Boers, it resembles Saddam Hussein’s unlawful occupation of Kuwait that caused the world to react with full military force. In modern times, the behaviour of the early Boers would bring them before the International Criminal Court for terrorism, the unlawful occupation of foreign land and murder”.

In perspective, the early land grabbing and the murder of indigenous people going with this process, was not a “bad” characteristic of the White colonists (proto-Afrikaners/White frontiersmen) alone, but also of the early Cape authorities. This inclination to criminal delinquency and terrorism, together with a socio-economic and political functioning seated in anarchy to disturb the indigenous peoples’ harmonious living (and the internalising of it as “correct and justified” cognitions in the mindsets of the settlers), are often reflected in the Cape’s political history by the actions of specific government commanders and governors. Jan van Riebeeck, the first commander at the Cape Settlement, began this process. Besides his public racism of a policy that non-Whites could be owned as slaves by the VOC and by the free burghers, and thus the right of Whites to buy and sell these slaves as “human livestock”, stands prominent in his punitive actions against the indigenous KhoiKhoi groups who took up arms against the settlers who occupied the KhoiKhoi’s traditional land.5,6 In this context of terrorism and steered anarchy, Louw36 posits36:15: “The KhoiKhoi War (1658-1660) spells the first driving out of the non-White KhoiKhoi from their traditional lands in the Liesbeeck Valley. This was undoubtedly the first commission of White terrorism to non-Whites in South Africa and land grabbing by Whites, as guided by the British definition on modern day terrorism”.

These terrorism acts against the indigenous Khoi-Khoi and the KhoiSan (and later also the Xhosas) take a much more serious stance under governors Hendrik Swellengrebel (1739-1750), Ryk Tulbagh (1751-1771) and Joachim van Plettenberg (1773-1785) and continued until the end of VOC rule at the Cape. From a White political perspective the KhoiSan (and less often the KhoiKhoi) were a prominent “non-White problem” due to the non-Whites’ resistance to the grabbing of their land by the incoming Whites. This early grabbing of land ensured serious racial disharmony and bloodshed.3,7,29-31

The propagandists maintain that although the KhoiSan were hunters and not farmers permanently established upon specific land to do their farming, their traditional land and territory were very important to them. Certain areas of South Africa, notwithstanding a lack of inhabitants or a population, were claimed over many years by the KhoiSan as their exclusive hunting grounds and property; areas from which they had even driven out the in-coming Blacks. These traditions and customs of the KhoiSan were principles that were not well respected by many of the unruly White frontiersmen and the White authorities who started to occupy the best grazing land of the KhoiSan. (Indeed, this illegal land grabbing became a habit and later a custom which characterised the Afrikaners/Whites actions up to 1994 and remains central in the ANC’s present land corrections politics).3-5

The KhoiSan resisted the plan of the VOC Government to subordinate them and to organise their land ownership in terms of White colonialism. They started an organised resistance in the form of guerilla attacks in order to drive out the White frontiersmen who they saw as illegally occupying their traditional hunting areas. Louw36 reflects36:33: “For the KhoiSan this ‘White barbarism’ of continuous land-grabbing was a serious threat to their future existence and a reason for justified war. They organised four ‘wars’, more like guerilla onslaughts, in 1715, 1731, 1738 and 1754 against the White frontiersmen…”

In their reprisal attacks the KhoiSan resorted to great cruelty against the White frontiersmen – methods similar to those which are seen today in much terrorist fighting. Geen3, Louw4 and Van der Walt31 confirm these cruelties committed by the KhoiSan, meted out with as much possible pain and damage upon their White enemy.3,4,7,29-31 Between 1 July 1786 and 31 December 1788, 107 cattle watchmen were murdered, and 99 horses, 6,299 cattle and 17970 sheep were stolen or killed. On this immense force of arms Van der Walt,31 writes31:102:

During the last thirty years of the century, a bloody guerilla war full of hatred and bitterness developed. The Bushmen did not lose any chance to steal or destroy, to burn down farm houses and to murder farmers or cattle watchmen. The farmers shot all the Bushmen that they could get in their sights, and commandos were destroyed as often as possible [Bushmen]. In 1777 the government approved a war of extermination (Own translation).

Although the KhoiSan’s guerilla warfare spreading out over the vast borderline of the Cape Colony was initially successful, their primitive weaponry and moving by foot made them easy targets for the White frontiersmen, who moved fast on horses in large groups with guns. The Boer frontiersmen’s counter attacks (the so-called KhoiSan hunting parties, and what Van der Walt describes as governmental approved wars of extermination), were executed in the form of organised commandos. Mostly these commandos’ actions were uncontrolled and unauthorised, but in some of these counter actions the VOC Government, as said, gave formal permission, which sometimes lead to extreme cruelty against the KhoiSan. These punitive expeditions ended in the killing of hundreds of KhoiSan, basically for one thing: their traditional land.3,7,29-31

With regard to the tragic outcomes perpetuated on the KhoiSan by one of these official so-called wars of extermination of the KhoiSan by the Cape Whites (in which, as mentioned, land-ownership was central), Geen3 reports3:28 that in 1774 the Council of Policy of the Cape organised a large commando under Godlieb Opperman. The attack on the KhoiSan stretched over three hundred miles of the borderland and for the loss of one burgher, the commando captured over two hundred KhoiSan women and children of whom most were apprenticed (meaning enslaved) to members of the commando, while over five hundred male Bushmen were killed.

The question is asked by the propagandists how the constant and senseless killing of the KhoiSan, driven illegally from their original living space by the White frontiersmen since 1652, differs from crimes against humanity and whether it was not genocide? For the propagandists this represents it as a well planned scheme by the White occupiers to wipe the KhoiSan out. (Today the KhoiSan remain only in very small numbers in the Kalahari Desert and South-West Africa). The treatment of the KhoiSan in the 1600s to 1700s for the propagandists is an excellent example of the dehumanising and distancing as human beings the KhoiSan underwent at the hand of White individuals, as well as an official policy of dehumanising and distancing of non-Whites allowed and activated by the White authorities themselves since the Cape Settlement started up in 1652. For the propagandists it confirms that the respect of White South Africans, specifically White landowners, for the lives, land rights and the happiness of non-White people’s lives and use of their traditional land, already went wrong in the 1700s. Most of all, it gives the propagandists an in-depth insight into how and why most of the White executive political leaders failed all South Africans on justified land ownership from as far back as 1652, and how and why Apartheid was born to safeguard and to exclusively guarantee Whites’ land ownership. Indeed, for the propagandists, this White supremacy on land ownership is still present in the country with the same intensity and arrogance as in the 1700s. Just read the comprehensive fake arguments, opinions and viewpoints of the antagonists to uphold the present land ownership dispensation of 1994 in articles Three and Four.3,36

The propagandists contend that the Old Israel’s political and biblical history is strikingly similar to the political history of South African under its White rulers: both boast the same radical ideologies and doctrine upon racism, cultural dogmas, race-blood purity, religious blindness, politically murderous intentions and extreme land grabbing. (In the present day the same ideologies and doctrine politics are followed by New Israel against the Arabs and are accepted unquestioned as correct by the western Christian world).5 On this intertwining of an Afrikaner/Jewish contaminated foundation in the exclusive use of racial violence to effect land grabbing, Louw5 postulates5:2:

The Jews of the Old Testament perpetrated violence tantamount to a rape of humanity, shedding the blood of the innocent. It did not matter if the victims were men, women or children in their own homeland. Their actions were justified as a divine command. Today these murderous biblical acts of ethnic and racial cleansing and land grabbing would be classified as psychopathic and mentally disturbed behaviour upon the part of political and religious leaders.

In addition the two Dutch researchers, Boot-Siertsema and Boot2, highlight this doctrine of an intertwined Jewish godlike biblical right in the mindsets of South African Afrikaners/Whites, contaminating their political thinking, planning and action from the 1600s until today, when they write2:38:

Naast de tot nu toe besproken vormen van racism, vindt men, met name in Zuid-Afrika, nog een derde factor die leidt tot het striven de verschillende rassen apart te houden. Die factor zou men “rasgeloof” kunnen noemen: het geloof dat God de Heer de verschillende rassen geschapen heeft, dat Hij ze zó gewild heeft, en dat de aldus “door God gestelde grenzen” tussen hen niet door rassen-menging mogen worden uitgewist. Bij dit geloof komt nog het gevoel van overeenkomst van het Afrikanerdom met het volk van Israël, dat immers ook huis en have verliet om in een nieuw land, na veel strijd en ontbering, met Gods hulp een eigen leven op te bouwen, waarbij het uitdrukkelijk de opdracht kreeg zich niet met de omringende heidense volken te vermengen. Dat deze opdracht inherent was aan de unieke positie van het volk Israël als theocratie, is een verschil waaraan men voorbijgaat; men concentreert zich op de punten van ooreenkomst.

Over time, the abovementioned God-permitted and God-driven cognition to devastate the non-Whites in their White-supremacy became internalised in the mindsets of the Afrikaner-volk with time, according to the propogandists. The cleansing of their political, economical and human memory by the Afrikaners/Whites of their White frontiersmens’ and their White rulers’ grabbing of the non-Whites’ land (and their killing of non-Whites to succeed in this intention) are undoubtedly bordering on psychopathic and mentally disturbed behaviour.4,38

To understand the contaminated White supremacy thinking of the Afrikaners/Whites embedded in their God-permitted and -driven cognition in their right to practice politics up to 1994, the propagandists focus specifically upon HF Verwoerd’s unique godsend thinking and action.39-41 In describing the background to the day when Dimitri Tsafendas murdered Verwoerd in the Cape Parliament on the 6th September 1966, Dousemetzis40 reflects in this context of divine selection and driving of especially the nationalist Afrikaners, as follows upon the person Verwoerd40:15-16:

As he reached his seat, Verwoerd looked towards the spectators’ gallery for his wife, but she was not in her usual place, delayed by a crowded elevator.

He turned to acknowledge greetings from the National Party MPs around him.

The prime minister was in high spirits, even jaunty, and with reason: the national economy was booming, thanks to cheap black labour, with the highest growth rate in the world after Japan. A few months earlier, his party had comfortably won a new term in office. Commanding the space around him, smiling, nodding, confident, he looked unassailable, a picture of total power.

Indeed, he thoughy God was on his side. Six years earlier he had survived the bullets of David Pratt, a sure sign, Dr Verwoerd said, that God approved of his race policies and had spared him to ensure their implementation. Was it this miraculous survival that made him unafraid of assassins? Was it faith in divine protection that emboldened him to remark in 1962, “If someone really wants to kill you, it’s not a very hard job. One thing is certain, there’s no point going around worrying about it.”

He was about to discover that when it came to his race policies and implementing apartheid, his God had changed his mind.

Louw36, with regard to the internalising of deviating and wrongdoing inclination of the proto-Afrikaners (which the propagandists see still to be present in today’s Afrikaners), concludes36:34: “To issue the approval for the cold-blooded mass termination of other humans – people [KhoiSan] who were here in South Africa long before the Europeans, and basically to steal their land for self-enrichment – is unforgiveable. Any person or group wiping out a tribe, not only by their direct killing, but also by robbing them of their economics and livelihood and erasing them from society, is/are real Frankenstein monsters”.

Bruce42 also posits about this early White immense wrongdoing42:20: “Face it, though, Europeans didn’t arrive here with the noblest of intentions. Centuries later, white people in South Africa still don’t sleep easy. With the land question now palpably spreading fear, South Africa is once again approaching a watershed.”

With reference to the so-called terrorist inclinations and actions of the ANC against the NP regime from the 1950s to 1994, as demonstrated many times by the antagonists in Articles Three and Four, the propagandists emphasise, in light of above evidence, 1) that the antagonists could not identify and enumerate the so-called mass of Whites killed pre-1994 by the ANC’s freedom fighters; 2) the number of Whites killed pre-1994 never came close to the more than 500 KhoiSan killed in one attack alone by Whites; 3) since 1994 there was not a single incident of land grabbing or murder of Whites to take their land by the ANC regime.

Although it still took another 25 years for the ANC to break the NP regime’s racism and their godsent political journey after the murder of Verwoerd, it seems for the propagandists that God changed his mind fully at last in 1994, finally stopping the terrorism of the Whites which originated in 1652. For the propagandists the presence of terrorism in the pre- and post-1948 Afrikaners/White regime was by far more comprehensive than that of the pre-1994 ANC.39-41

3.2.5. Ongoing political and social delinquency of the White burghers of Transvaal, Free State, Union and Republic of South Africa

The suppression and terrorising of other groups, specifically the non-Whites, to execute land grabbing, became a permanent characteristic of the proto-Afrikaners, according to the propagandists. As the White frontiersmen on the Cape borders, many of the Trekboers and Voortekkers, as well as their offspring moved northwards, they were also beset with the same negative internalised cognitions on race, land ownership and a watered-down concept of justice and the practice of law and order, as part of their lifestyle. This delinquent deviation also later filtered into the mindsets of the burghers of the Union and the Republic, leading to Grand Apartheid and the immense suppression of non-Whites and land grabbing.3,5

Political histories show that negative patterns of thought and behaviour – such as self-enrichment and self-empowerment, racial aggression and racial discrimination, which includes the abuse and exploitation of people of other races – forged by years of bad exposure, examples and compensation in the mindset of persons, makes them extreme socio-economic and political transgressors, and are not easily erased from their thinking, planning and action. The Afrikaners/Whites are for the propagandists not exemptions in this setup of delinquent transgression. This is supremely reflected by the antagonists’ present day belief about their legitimate rights of land ownership and extraordinary White rights, notwithstanding the facts that show it to be myths and fables. The fact that the antagonists will not easily reclaim their lost privileges, rights, benefits and empowerments in post-1994 South Africa, make their daily actions more rigid, unchangeable and even dangerous in their efforts to uphold their fake status quo on political and economic empowerment and rights. Their troubled holding onto land that is mostly not theirs, is suddenly a shocking reality for the antagonists and a must to address, which of course they don’t want to do, according to the propagandists.4

The propagandists feel that the Afrikaners as individuals and as a tribe are over-estimating their current importance, role and empowerment in South Africa, to steer away the intended land expropriation initiative. The negative impact of inciting resistance to any political change by the so-called Afrikaner/White rescuers and saviours is immense and continues mostly unnoticed. For the propagandists, the Afrikaners/Whites refuse to accept the political reality and fact that they are probably moving towards dissolution in a century’s time, with, in the mean time, the mass of Blacks waiting impatiently for the correction of the age old injustice on land ownership. The propagandists believe that many Afrikaners are also missing out absolutely on the deep rooted land issue, which goes further than only land grabbing, into the Black tribes’ collective memory and the bitterness which is still with many Blacks. This Black collective memory and bitterness is well reflected by the Makgoba-clan of Makgoba’s Kloof, Limpopo, for their loss of land and the clan baTlou of Makgoba’s Kloof who want back the skull of their murdered great-great grandfather for a decent burial.8 There are undoubtedly manifold cries for revenge for the injustices surrounding Apartheid among some Blacks. Louw4 writes4:173: “Many Blacks still mourn loved ones who were mistreated or killed by the apartheid managers and their accomplices. Many struggle to escape the impoverishment they suffered at the hand of White regimes, especially by the nationalist Afrikaners after 1948”. The political history referred to by Pheko9, of the grabbing of Blacks’ land by Whites as a crime against humanity, makes immediate and comprehensive land expropriation a matter for the propagandists which needs to be urgently addressed and corrected by the present day governmental authority.8,9

In light of the above realities is Ramaphosa’s43 declaration that43:4: “…we are going to take land and when we take land we are going to take it without compensation”, in some way an unavoidable and sane governmental decision for the propagandists to rectify the unjust political history of South Africa.

For the propagandists, justified land redistribution to the poor and landless Blacks is indeed now an absolute. It is a hard fact, a final outcome and a guideline to understand Ramaphosa’s honest political intentions. It represents not Ramafear or Ramaflipflop, as the antagonists in their political confusion and hostility against Ramaphosa and the ANC elite reflect, as they try to obstruct land expropriation, but Ramaforia and Ramajustice for the masses. It is indeed for the propagandists Ramareality to bring not only prosperity to the mass of poor and landless Blacks, but also to bring South Africans in general peace and harmony at last.44

If a comprehensive land redistribution initiative, acceptable for the poor and landless Blacks, is not activated in 2019 – it does not matter who is the government of the day — the propagandists believe that the 1980s drive by Blacks to take over the regime violently, is again at hand. This time the “liberation” movement will be far more radical: the pre-1980s agitation’s empowerment and radical role players, of which Boot-Siertsema and Boot2 wrote in 1982 and feared then as an outcome, are still waiting and need very little incentive to be activated in the extreme2:394:

Daarom is elke aanmoediging tot revolutie, elke steun aan guerrilla’s en terreur in de huidige situatie onverantwoord en buiten elke competentie van religieuze autoriteiten. Want het betekent de vernietging van elke mogelijkheid tot same-leven van Blank en Niet-Blank, die onomstotelijk in dit land toch samen verder zullen moeten.

3.2.6. Coming horrors of the regimes of Mao, Stalin and Mugabe

To offer the horrors of Mao’s Cultural Revolution, Stalin’s regime or Robert Mugabe’s land grabbing policy in Zimbabwe as examples of how badly the present day South African land expropriation can or will turn out, are seen as planned malevolent distractions from South Africa’s political realities by the antagonists. These actions by the antagonists are also seen by the propagandists as outright planned distractions of the local and international public of the Whites’ vicious behaviour for centuries to non-Whites in their stealing of land. South Africa’s political history from 1652 to 1994 under White rule is for the propagandists saturated with long term land grabbing and its horrors, equal to that of Mao, Stalin and Mugabe. Looking critically at the history of these land thefts and accompanying horrors carried out by Whites (mostly proto-Afrikaners and Afrikaners) to Blacks, stretching over more than three centuries, very little reference to it is made by Afrikaner historians and politicians.45-49

Evaluating the books of the so-called imminent nationalist Afrikaner historians and politicians on the “goodness of the opening of the South African hinterland for civilisation by the White frontiersmen, Trekboere, Voortrekkers and the later proto-Afrikaners and Afrikaners from 1652 to 1994” and their heroic deeds, minimum reference is presented of the Whites’ horrors and delinquency to Blacks. The only negative outcomes ever described as devastating and horrifying, or as extreme land grabbing, which frequently go with genocide and crimes against humanity, are mostly reflected by dissident English speaking historians and some Black historians whose opinions and facts were mostly suppressed by the White regimes. If the horrors of the various South African White regimes, spreading out over more than three centuries, are condensed into a time frame of two to three decades, the propagandists doubt that the horrors of Mao, Stalin and Mugabe could be worse.45-49

With regard to the European or Western world, the South African Whites’ fellowship until today there was or is in terms of the Whites wrongdoings to non-Whites no reference or comparison of a “Rwanda kind of South African genocide”, which the propagandists feel is truely present in the country’s 1652 to 1994 history. Indeed, the propagandists mention the high “integrity standing” of the White governments internationally, and that during the heydays of Grand Apartheid and the comprehensive, extreme wrongdoings by the NP regime to Blacks, foreign White capital flowed into South Africa and the South African rand was on its highest levels ever against the dollar and the pound. The White business bullies’ interests, locally and internationally, came first, as it does today, before Black suffering. This extreme White hypocrisy is for the propagandists again reflected today, as mentioned, by some White business and political groups, driven by their so-called Afrikaners/Whites saviours and rescuers, in their actions to activate false fears in the White community about a so-called genocide awaiting them under a future ANC regime, basically to assure the ongoing exclusive White empowerment and capital.45-49

With specific reference to the negative “Zimbabwe factor” of the Mugabe regime, excessively alleged by the antagonists to be present in South Africa’s land reform, the differences are immense, making it basically incomparable. In Zimbabwe land reform led to horrors against the Whites under Mugabe, while in South Africa it has remained so far only a heated discussion between Whites and Blacks. The only clear similarity is the obstinacy of Zimbabwean Whites, who hung on to excessive land obtained through exclusive stealing of land, begun by Cecil John Rhodes, and that of South African Whites who are at present rigidly also hanging on to their excessive stolen land, refusing some realistic compromises. For the propagandists the tragic outcome of Mugabe’s revenge on the early land grabbing by Whites in Zimbabwe (Rhodesia) is due to their rigid and foolish refusal to make a justified re-allocation of land to Blacks. This is the primary reason why the ANC regime intends to now activate, in time, orderly land reform in order to avoid bloodshed.45-49

The propagandists posit that the enclosing of the references to Mao’s Cultural Revolution or the horrors of Stalin’s regime or any other kind of murderous intentions are decisive outcomes in South Africa’s planned land reform by the ANC regime. It is applicable to future actions and behaviour to be expected from the ANC regime or poor and landless Blacks in the intended land reform. It is not only inappropriate, but an enormous insult to the ANC regime and to the South African Blacks per se, as failures can lead to mismanagent of the country effectively and wisely. For the propagandists, this confirms again the immense arrogance and race supremacy of some exclusively White capitalists and politicians, coming from the pre-1994 days, showing again unpunished “colonial” Black bias by Whites with their categorisation of Blacks one hundred and eighteen years ago with the forming of the Union as incompetent and uncivilised to run South Africa as a country. This false, negative racial categorisation of Blacks as people and as leaders, as done by well-known White politicians and leaders of that time who attended the Cape Convention in 1908 to design and to establish the Union Act in founding the Union of South Africa in 1910, is fully highlighted by the historian MS Geen3 in his book: “The Making of the Union of South Africa. A brief history: 1487-1939”.

The propagandists emphasise that since 1994, there has not been any physical, political, emotional or economic revenge-taking in any way by either the ANC regime or the Black population on the Whites in South Africa for their uncountable wrongdoings of Apadrheid, or specifically the Whites’ centuries of land grabbing and the killing of the indigenous people, i.e the termination of the KhoiSan, Zulus or Xhosas by the proto-Afrikaners.4

3.2.7. ANC regime’s alleged corruption and crimes unique in the South African political history

The constant references by the antagonists to the present day ANC’s alleged corruption as being unique to South African political history, is also a farce. The propagandists do not dispute the presence of corruption and state capture which reached a climax under the reign of Jacob Zuma and which the Ramaphosa regime is now busy trying to erase, but the pre-1994 White regimes are polluted as well, if not more than the present day ANC regime. Many of the corruption crimes of the late NP and its leaders passed comfortably into the forgotten as its leaders had started to die since 1994.

Looking to the early political history of the country’s corruption statistics and records, coming from Jan van Riebeeck, up to the immense evidence of corruption and theft of state assets personally by Simon van der Stel and Willem van der Stel, these wrongdoings by far overshadow the alleged wrongdoings of Jacob Zuma. The discussion by the antagonists of the ANC regime as a so-called suppressive regime with the focus upon Whites, not only politically but also economically since 1994, is pie in the sky for the propagandists: the NP regime was an utmost autocratic/fascistic regime with no mercy for Black Nationalism and its political, social, personal and economical rights. Evidence is there that these various White regimes, especially under the NP between 1948 and 1994, were saturated with serious political and socio-economical wrongdoings. Their daily doings were saturated with the murder of the NP’s opponents by their assassins such as Eugene De Kock and the NP’s security forces. These included “justified” cross-border murdering raids into Zambia, Botswana, Angola and Zimbabwe, even Europe of political opponents. There is evidence of manifold other murdering sprees of the NP regime. These actions are indeed, as illustrated already, equal to the horrors committed by Mao, Stalin and Mugabe. If there can be spoken of a specific “regime of horrors”, which characterised South Africa’s history, is it for the propagandists the NP regime from 1948 to 1994, par excellence.45-49

For the antagonists to accuse the ANC regime of being ridden by financial or political scandals alone is hypocrisy. The NP’s leaders BJ Vorster and PW Botha were basically fired as executive leaders due to their extreme political wrongdoings, wherein state money was paramount. With the references by the antagonists to the present day political murders of members of the ANC regime, as manifested in Natal-KwaZulu, is it important to note the murder of Dr Robert Smit of the inner circle of the NP just before the Information Scandal came to light and the alleged illegal transfer of state money overseas. Indeed there are still today allegations hanging in the air of the direct involvement of the inner circle of the NP regime in the murders of the Swedish anti-Apartheid prime minister Olof Palme, as well as that of their own prime minister, HF Verwoerd, because he allegedly decide to dump Apartheid and to follow the assimilation plan of the Tomlinson Commission. There are still unanswered allegations of the buying and the ownership of property in the state of Andorra and in various South American states with alleged stolen state money by some of the previous leaders of the NP-AB-alliance, to serve as safe havens if the NP fell flat and the NP leaders were to be prosecuted. Looking further at the allegations by the antagonists of the present day so-called actions of horror by the ANC regime to supress the political freedom of the individual, the prominent question by the propagandists around the practise of outright democracy, is “is there any evidence that the ANC regime locked up political dissidents, like journalists, Whites, public critics, or murdered them as the NP’s security forces did at the John Vorster Building”? The answer for the propagandists is over and over: No.3-5, 7, 36,39-41,45-49-51,53-55,57,58

On the book account of criminal wrongdoings, the question for the propagandists is: can the ANC-regime ever be more “evil” than the NP? Can Cyril Ramaphosa, who is now the focus of the antagonists’ anger, because he dares to try to obtain racial, economical and political stability and citizen’s peace, ever be as bad as DF Malan, JG Strydom, HF Verwoerd or PW Botha? For the propagandists, their answer of no is justified and undoubtedly the truth. The evidence is overwhelming to condemn the pre-1994 political White rulers’ corruption and crimes against humanity, by far worse than the ANC regime coming into power in 1994.3-5,7,36,39-41,45-49-51,53-55,57,58

When Mthombothi10 speaks about Africa being betrayed by its leaders and says it’s now time to call them to book, the propagandists point fingers at the antagonists’ NP leaders, saying that they must be first in line to do punishment and not the ANC leaders. For the propagandists the corrupt NP leaders and politicians were (and are still, with their indirect economic and exclusive capitalism, immensely empowered today) an obstacle to the country’s and its people’s progress. When Mthombothi says10:17: “They are the authors of our misfortune”, he is fully correct. When pinpointing: “A pig with lipstick is still a pig”, those “political pigs” were undoubtedly very plentiful in the NP regime up to 1994. Many of these NP politicians did not pass away and are still active behind the scenes to profile the ANC’s elite regime with fake data in order to portray them as “untrustworthy and corrupt”.10

Looking critically at the antagonists’ comprehensive attack on the ANC regime in an effort to shamelessly and corruptly keep the Whites’ land and economic empowerment in place at all costs by their portrayal of the ANC regime as a political horror and a Dracula to rise after the 2019 Election, De Groot59 gives insight in the antagonists present day delinquent thinking and political wrongdoings, when he writes59:16: “South Africans are never short of things to argue about, but the level of debate (for want of a better word) at the moment is staggering”. The NP’s leaders were and are still masters in cementing false and distracting arguments in their political debates.

According to the propagandists, the antagonists’ aimless and unfounded fighting off of the intended expropriation of White land, together with their constant opposition of the good politics and the good actions of the ANC regime, are undoubtedly founded in criminal mindsets. The propagandists declare that these fixed behaviour inclinations and motivations of the antagonists are delinquent in terms of the philosophy of the school of scientific thought which posits that human beings develop illogical and foolish thinking, not in order to think more rationally, or to grow in the understanding of reality, or to act correctly and with integrity, but purely to be able to manipulate and to persuade others that they (antagonists) are absolutely correct (although in reality totally incorrect). As such, they must get what they want and must be followed outright and unquestioned. This base of thinking harks very much to the etiology of psychopathology and thus abnormal behaviour and personal deviance. The propagandists associate this with the White frontiersmen, proto-Afrikaners and Afrikaners’ psychopathological behaviour of land grabbing and “termination” of non-Whites in their years of politics.3,4,59

On the much so-called “overwhelming evidence” offered by the antagonists of the immensely bad and delinquent behavior inherent to the ANC regime since 1994 (and before as a so-called “terrorist organisation), specifically their intended land redistribution, it must be noted that it is a tall story. This created blindness by the antagonists to the good actions and strong position of the ANC in South Africa (since 1994 the ANC won every election at the ballot box, while the antagonistic groups lost constant support). The prominent self-created blindness on the good actions and strong position of ANC, is reflected by the IRR. An example is their foolish unrealistic favoring of the creation of an Afrikaner homeland wherein the Afrikaners’ so-called rights, needs and wishes can be obtained and be maintained, notwithstanding that the facts nullify their fantasies of such a need by the majority of Afrikaners (remember: less than 10% of the Afrikaners/Whites support the antagonists and IRR’s foolishness).60,61

Central for the propagandists is the antagonists’ rigid and one-sided political lifestyle and their faulty overall evaluation of the ANC regime as only bad in terms of the antagonists self-compiled but corrupt good-bad-classification. This is an outcome well confirmed by the antagonists’ reflection of only criticism at all times against the ANC regime, lacking any evidence to support this criticism. This history of a one-sided classification by the antagonists of an “all wrong with Black South Africans”, in comparison with their “always good White South Africans”, relays the propagandists again to the presence of psychopathology which is disabling and clouding the antagonists’ logical reasoning and actions in the end.60, 61

3.2.8. Biological assimilation with Blacks as a final outcome for Whites

There was a strong introspective belief with the proto-Afrikaners, as well as the later Afrikaners, that the non-Whites and later Blacks, as a mass population, were waiting in silence since 1652 to gobble them up somewhere in the future. This foolish belief, as borne out by the propagandists, did not happen in 1994 and will not happen ever in the future. What is logical, based upon the political histories of many nations and minority groups coming over thousand of years, is that when two opposite peoples meet in the same living area, the weaker one is in the long term mostly culturally, socie-conomically and biologically overpowered by the stronger one. In most cases, the weaker group is gradually absorbed, many times after decades and centuries, leaving it without influence or presence in the new society. In many cases a new society develops after a process of adaptation and intermingling between the various elements of the initial groups. The process of integration takes place mostly very slowly and insignificantly in the beginning, but forms a comprehensive integration in the end. With South Africa’s complex multiracial society, wherein the Blacks are immensely large in numbers and strong in culture, the long-term intent and reality of this process began with the first contact in the 1830s. This already reflected then most of the four intertwined steps: firstly cultural assimilation; secondly economic assimilation; thirdly social assimilation coupled to political assimilation and fourthly biological assimilation.4

Normal biological assimilation, it seems for the propagandists, is the antagonists’ biggest unspoken fear and is forcing the Afrikaners/Whites to desperate actions, such as the vast amount of false accusations and allegations sent out by the antagonists about the ANC regime’s integrity and the ANC’s so-called intention to terminate the Whites presence in the country. Prominent is the process of land expropriation fingered by the antagonists as the first step in this intended termination.4,12,56,61,62

Undoubtedly, the fear of a final biological assimilation is at present driving the antagonists to desperate and senseless actions. Louw’s4 research emphasises that research such as that of the Tomlinson Commission56 already indicated in 1955 only one of two choices for the Afrikaner: integration or segregation, with integration already then evident as the best option for the country’s people in the long term, and already activated in the 1950s. In this context Louw writes that in 1955, the Afrikaners were already in the stage of social assimilation in the South African greater society. In the 1980s they moved into political assimilation and the equalisation of the Black and White civilisations.4,62-64

Hereto the1994 dispensation fully activated social assimilation. The antagonists, still captured in their mindset of destructive White supremacy and their upkeep of the so-called pure White bloodline, tried to fight off the ANC regime’s positive and creative actions to stabilise the country socio-economically and politically, but biological assimilation was then activated. In this setup the advent of Blackness and Black political dominance and rule, are a reality. But, prominent for the propagandists, were all the assimilation steps, with the Blacks in charge since 1994, free from revenge on or genocide of the previously White suppressors. Clearly evident is the Blacks’ positive behaviour, opposite to the extremely delinquent behaviour which characterised the White rule from 1652 to 1994. At present the Afrikaners are within biological assimilation with the Black population. This finalising of a new South African nation, wherein the Afrikaners are going to be dissolved by intermixing with the Blacks and by their natural dying out as a specific group, is now being activated. Louw indicates that the process will be fully complete in a century’s time. Indeed, the process is busy erasing, besides the obstructive and foolish fighting of reality by the constant diminishing number of antagonists, the impact of the Afrikaners as role-players in the obstruction of land reform. For many realistic and future-thinking Afrikaners, immediate land redistribution is a must. This comprehensive, but orderly, land expropriation initiative, can amount in support to so much as 90% of the Afrikaner/White population. For the propagandists, the current efforts by a small group of antagonists (although strongly empowered by their power it seems over the total media of South Africa, in order to propagate their doctrine) to derail land expropriation with false accusations of the horrors of Mao, Stalin or Mugabe awaiting Whites in post-2019 South Africa, is only a temporary nuisance and will also, as the antagonists and the so-called saviours and rescuers of the Afrikaners/Whites, are departing fast from the scene.4,45-49,58

For the propagandists, it is thus now the correct time to take on the antagonists’ false “truths” on the intended ANC regime’s land expropriation. Guiding the propagandists in this alignment of the renewal of facts and the phasing out of many lies is the writing of John Berger59:16:

History is rewritten because new information emerges all the time. Fresh accounts of experiences, sometimes from unexpected sources, can alter the way we look at the past and change our minds about what we thought we knew”, while “the relation between what we see and what we know is never settled”.

New, true facts emerge upon the Afrikaners/Whites bad past, supplied many times by the majority of Afrikaners/Whites themselves, which are altering and positively changing the mindsets of the majority of Afrikaners/Whites on the integrity of the ANC and the Black population, to make South Africa a better place for all. This improvement for all its inhabitantswas obtained by the ANC in the short period of 25 years of reign, while the White regimes could not show any equal success in their more than three centuries of reign. The NP specifically, in its 46 years of government and racial Grand Apartheid, failed outright to do any good to ordinary individual South Africans.4

The facts are there for the propagandists that the ANC regime’s intentions and aims with land reform are noble and focused upon a better South Africa for all, something the antagonists know very well that they failed to do from 1652. Central to this process of future harmony in Black-White-thinking on the land issue, is for the propagandists, the process of the intermixing of Whites with Blacks.

What the so-called rescuers of the Afrikaners/Whites anticipate on the “upkeep forever” of an exclusive socio-economic and political empowered of the lily White Afrikaner-race in South Africa, is still vested in the way (Lady) Ruth Khama’s (born Williams) British father reacted when she told him in September 1948 she was going to marry (Sir) Seretse Khama.65,66 Sue Grant-Marshall65 in her book; “Your People Will Be My People”, reflects65:19:

Ruth told her parents about it. Her father’s reaction was worse than anticipated.

Mr. Williams, who was absolutely shattered by the news of which he did not have the faintest inkling, responded with a cold, icy anger.

His deeply ingrained prejudice, so well hidden over the years, was spelt out painfully clearly for Ruth. He was so opposed to mixed marriages, he said, that he would not talk to her again until she changed her mind.

“You can stay at home until you get married. After that you may not enter this home again as long as you are married to that man,” he ordered.

Ruth, whose face was as white as her father’s, realised that the painful encounter was over. She tried to persuade her father once more to meet Seretse, but he sat, face in hand, staring blankly down at the carpet, and shook his head.

How much so the anger, the staring blankly down at the carpet and how white the faces of the so-called rescuers and savers of the Afrikaners/Whites are today – the same reaction of White racism, supremacy and blood-purity reflected by Mr. Williams’. This phenomenon belongs seventy years back in the past. Today, the immense biological intermixing of Blacks and Whites in South Africa is a hard fact and a process already running at a fast pace to make future quarrels on land in terms of interfamily relations, null and void.3,4,22,65,66

3.2.9. White farmer murders

The so-called rise in farm murders is precisely the so-called “facts contradiction” as shown by the definition of John Berger, namely false “facts” which we hear in certain media sources versus “facts” about what is really happening as reflected by hard statistics. The use of “stretched statistics” by the antagonists, in their obstruction of the incoming of Black land ownership and transformation, have become a very handy information vehicle to attract the unjustified attention of the outside world and to manipulate the truths, such as the fixing in Donald Trump’s mindset of a so-called organised killing and driving of White farmers from their farms. Trump’s rhetoric is for the propagandists furthermore an excellent example of foreign White hypocrisy, mostly created by the false propaganda of the antagonists, where foreigners are ignoring and denying the bad and delinquent actions of South African Whites in the past to Blacks, together with the foreigners’ failure to recognise the antagonists’ well planned malevolent obstructions and undermining to bring about a justified new land ownership in the country.4,42,67-73

Farm murders, indeed any murder, are a concern for the propagandists, but, seen in terms of a total rise in the murder numbers of all South Africans (also in SOWETO), it is undoubtedly not a statistic only applicable to Whites, as many of the anti-Black and anti-ANC-orientated “White/Afrikaner rescuers and saviours” for obvious opportunistic reasons try to project. The so-called extraordinary number of White farmer murders is nothing but false news, solely to manipulate statistics to offer some trustworthiness to the antagonists’ growing unconvincing statements on the Whites’ unlimited rights to land ownership and their right to maintain an exclusive White farmers’ community. How masterfully this fake news is misused is evidenced by how easily sucked into the fabrication the Australian, British and American governments are.4,42,67-73

Various primary and secondary factors are equal role players in the murders of Whites as well as Blacks, like poor policing, general lack of law enforcement, immense poverty, joblessness, the social and personal isolation of races, uncontrolled gang activities, etc. No-one can dismiss the racial factor in some of the South African murder reflections, but it is insignificant in terms of the total reasons driving the commission of murders. It is important to mention that negative race opinions and views, seen from a Black inclination towards Whites, notwithstanding Apartheid’s many wrongdoings to them, are totally lacking. The average Black’s inclination and attitude is very positive to Whites. The so-called “Black danger stories”, coming from the days of Apartheid and which are still offered by the various so called Afrikaner saviours and rescuers as part of their present false and fake reflections and warnings of the “coming of the horrors of Mao, Stalin and Mugabe to Whites in South Africa”, together with the antagonists’ ongoing but unfounded claims of absolute White land-rights, are the main culprits to drive a wedge in between Blacks and Whites in order to create a false profile of so-called “Black hate for Whites”, specific by the ANC regime or the ordinary Black.4,42,67-73

Bruce42 gives insight into the selective use of data on so-called “White farmers” murders when he cautions the public on understanding the whole picture and not only that of the antagonists pinpointing wrongdoing to White farmers42:20:

“I have a deep sympathy for people who are attacked. The violence in the farm assaults is appalling and there is no justifying it. But so is it appalling on the Cape Flats. It’s appalling in rural Transkei and in downtown Johannesburg.”

Yes, the propagandists agree that Black-on-White violence can follow in the future, but then only under absolutely extreme circumstances, for instance if immediate land redistribution is deliberately and systematically blocked by the Whites, while the mass of poor Blacks go down in perilous poverty. In this case the Whites themselves are going to be the direct creators of the horrors of Mao, Stalin and Mugabe and not the ANC regime, according to the propagandists. But, be assured, this will only happen when all hope and patience have diminished from the Black mindsets, and this threshold will not easily be reached, as shown by the Blacks’ immense hope and patience to outlive Apartheid and its horrors. The fact that the mass of poor and landless Blacks respected the discriminative 1994 dispensation without revolution, or without harming in anyway the benefitting and favoured Whites, especially the White land owners, is evidence of the Blacks’ political and personal integrity and goodwill (which can surely not be said of the White occupiers of South Africa from 1652).68,74-76

Regarding the changes for a coup in South Africa, there are certain guidelines, writes Shain77. He shows that often present events, framed in terms of past occurrences, are used by political commentators as guidelines77:22: “Taking their cues from earlier trends, they identify patterns and reflect on mutations.” Although there are links between the Zimbabwe politics, the Arab Spring and the collapse of the communist regimes in Europe in 1989 and present day South Africa, the propagandists believe that the South African setup differs more from these setups than it reflects similarities. Prominent here is a sound democracy which the present ANC regime underwrites and will respect if they lose the 2019 Election, while the South African Defense Force is not connected to domestic policies, etc., in order to get involved in a coup. Land expropriation, bringing death to White land owners, is out. If the mass of the poor and the landless resorts to violence directly upon the Whites, the action of security would be in favour of the Whites in the upholding of law and order, according to the opinion of the propagandists.

Remember: In the most of bloody civil wars the availability and ownership of water, food and accommodation played a central part when these essential shortcomings occurred for long periods in the greater community. This tragic outcome only follows when there is not free land to build a house on and free land to make a living from. These were the primary reasons for delinquent land grabbing and many times genocide perpetuated by the White frontiersmen on the eastern and north-western borders of the Cape Colony, as well as the Voortrekkers in northern South Africa. Grouping together persons because of the same needs, thinking and anger, etc. by the various culprits are far greater drivers than pure racially orientated drivers. It is due to this concern that the ANC regime tries to steer constructive land redistribution so as to economically empower the mass of landless and poor Blacks. The dangerous driver here is poverty (created by White Apartheid) and not because the mass of the landless and the poor is Black: the phenomenon of the presence of Blacks is accidental.3,4,75,76

The propagandists’ emphasise that the sometimes public White-bashing by prominent Black politicians’ with remarks such as: “We will not now kill the Whites”, are misused and blown up by cunning antagonists to reflect a false hatred and aggression of Blacks for Whites. These kinds of political credos and rhetoric must not be taken seriously, warn the propagandists to the general public. It is limited to a small group of political trouble-makers and opportunists – better known as populists, autocrats, thieves and manipulators in present day South African politics – who are not only focusing their infantile aggression on the Whites, but are also intensely focusing it on the ANC elite and many other Blacks who oppose these radicals’ actions. The propagandists want to make it clear that the EFF and its radicals are not part of the ANC: not now and not in the future. This present “association” is a false one, created exclusively by the antagonists: indeed the DA is much nearer to the EFF than the ANC – it is the DA’s political partner in municipality management!68,74-76

It is of great importance to note than when the antagonists are forced to give more clarity on their statements and postulations on statics relating to “White farm murders”, they fail to react. Firstly, there is no clear definition of what a farm murder is. Secondly, there is also not a clear definition on what a farm is as an entity. African Check’s research could not find a constructive foundation in the data of the Freedom Front Plus (FFP), the national data or other research, making the conclusion of the finding of the FFP’s 133 per 100 000 people of so-called farm murders versus the 33 per 100 000 people as the average murder ratio per annum convincing. Thirdly, according to Bruce42, there is evidence that the present system offers many opportunities to manipulate data and to “stretch” it to fit the antagonists’ aims to mislead the public. The opportunity is present to raise the ratio unhindered (from 33:100 000 to 133:100 000, meaning a difference of 100:100 000!). For instance the misleading counting of one farmer per farm is used, rather than all the family members and labourers living on the farm. Fourthly, there is a clear lack of location of the murders and the kind of farming setup present. Bruce42 spells out this specific manipulation clearly, when he writes42:20: “There’s a big difference between a 5 000ha cabbage farm in Limpopo and a smallholding in Muldersdrift. Murders on either would be termed “farm murders” by people campaigning for recognition of farm attacks as a special category of crime.” That these “farms” are more precisely only basically erven with homes, without real farming interests confirms that many of the “farmer” victims are older, retired people who are really outside the farming community and are in reality persons who are not farmers anyway.42

It is also an open question as to whether the active White farming community is so intensively murdered as organisations such as AfriForum try to project and to emphasise that farming has became a dangerous and unattractive career. So why has the agricultural production and income of the farming sector exploded since the advent of democracy? Bruce writes42:20:

The gross value of farm production, according to agricultural economist Wandile Sihlobo, has grown from R28 billion in 1994 to R246 billion now in nominal terms. Adjusted for inflation, output had more than doubled, to R263 billion, by 2016.

You can’t achieve numbers like that in the middle of a farmer genocide.

The propagandists find it of absolute importance to state that the alleged presence of the negative Black-versus-White factor, as formulated by the antagonists in their warning of a so-called dooms day for Whites in future South Africa, is further contradicted by various recent research. The propagandists show that many of the points of conflict that some of the antagonistic politicians and activists pinpoint as reasons for the so-called urgent and immediate intention for land reparation by so called radical Blacks from Whites, are not true and thus not of importance. The taking of revenge through land redistribution about Apartheid’s wrongdoings, reflected by the antagonists as a primary motivator for Ramaphosa’s land expropriation initiative, is false and also outside sound cognitive thinking. The antagonists’ allegation that the intended land expropriation of Ramaphosa will go hand in hand with, or will activate, the horrors of the Mao, Stalin and Mugabe regimes, is a pathological cognition internalised in the mindsets of the antagonists alone.75,78-80

3.2.10. There is a not a demand for rural land by Blacks or an urge by them to farm

The postulations by the antagonists that the Black youths “are not interested in farming or land, they want jobs in cities”, are outright generalisations, lacking supportive facts. The IRR’s famous cliché, used over and over by the antagonists, that61:18: “…only 8% of land compensation awarded (1994 to 2018) to claimants were in the form of land as a compensation”, is a myth that became a truth in the pro-antagonists’ media.

Firstly, herewith the cold fact that in the present overwhelming setup of exclusively White farmers who own masses of land and dominate most of the farming activities and businesses as owners, the upliftment opportunities of Blacks as employees to the White farmers are very limited. This exclusively White setup of dominance and White enrichment is the primary reason why these rural Black labourers are already poor and landless people. Hereto must also be added the immense difference in the income of the White land owners and the farm labourers. Unil the coming into power of the ANC regime, the Black laborers were exposed to unfair pay and working conditions, and although the so-called “minimum wage legislation” by the ANC regime brought about some improvement, the rural Black farm labourers’ financial circumstances in general are still on the level of a hunger pittance. Basically this is the “baas-kneg-relation”, coming from 1652 and still functioning today, guiding mainly but not only the social, personal and political functioning between the White farmer and the Black labourer, but also the financial setup. In this present racial and discriminative situation, echoing in some way the days of the White frontiersmens’ dominance of the KhoiSan, land as a source of income per individual for the rural farm labourers is not attractive. This forces them to more and more unwillingly move to live and to work in towns and cities for a livelihood. Besides the immense poverty as labourers, is the poor treatment of the labourers by their White landowners. This is frequently a direct reason why the poor and landless Blacks move to the cities, and not so much a real eagerness to become a city dweller.61,81

Furthermore, it is a hard fact that the cities cannot accommodate all the poor and jobless Blacks, as is so often argued by the antagonists without any facts to confirm it. The fact is that a lack of employment is forcing the poor and jobless Blacks back to the countryside. The fact that nearly 30% of the South African population is officially unemployed (with an unofficial estimation of up to 60%), is a clear indication that it is imperative that an immense portion of the poor and landless Blacks need to be placed in the countryside. But this future rural setup must be positive for poor and landless Blacks as labourers, curtailing the White farmers’ mass land ownership and their political, social and economical manipulation of the Black labourers’ working and living setup. This can only be achieved by the creation of a mass of Black land ownerships as farmers and the creation of optimal work conditions for the Black labourers on farms, either Black or White farms.61,81

The antagonists’ statement that only 8% of Blacks want land or want to stay in the rural areas is a farce. This, according to the propagandists, is a manipulated distraction, superficially made from the 1994 dispensations pay outs by the antagonists (and in line with the 1994 failed political dispensation which is still discriminating against Blacks). Reflecting on this 8%, one must consider firstly the perilous setup into which Blacks in South Africa found themselves in 1994 after the disastrous centuries of economic exploitation by Whites. This chaotic 1994 setup has nothing to do with the ANC regime, besides the fact that they, as the new ruler of a chaotic state, had to find and try out every possible solution with limited funding to rectify the Whites’ and the NP regime’s economical exploitation and misuse of Blacks. At that stage in 1994 – and up to as recently as 2018 — the Blacks’ immense poverty which was directly created by the Whites and later the NP regime since 1913, was so comprehensive that it only grew as an “after-shock” in the political and socio-economical chaos surrounding the Black population which the failed NP regime left behind. There is no doubt for the propagandists that if the process of the 1994 land redistribution should be rerun correctly today in terms of justice, the repossession of Blacks of their land stolen by Whites since 1652 could be 50% and higher. The immense positivity inside the Black population showed in the recent parliamentarian public opinion testing on the change to Section 25 of the Constitution and Ramaphosa’s comprehensive land expropriation to bring a mass of farm land to the rural and urban poor Blacks, also contradicts the antagonists claiming that only 8% of Blacks want land or want to farm. They speak plain nonsense.66,81

Furthermore it must be noted that in 1994 and the decade thereafter, the poor Blacks first made contact with democracy and the concept of own money in an open racial and democratic society. Their poverty was so intense in 1994 for them, that, to be able to move into this new setup and its economical demands to be able to survive daily, their obtaining of immediate money became a first priority and requirement, putting money before land. With the political stability brought by the ANC regime and the experiencing of equal civil rights by the mass of poor Blacks and a direct say in land matters such as land ownership and farming (and of course “the right to live and walk where you want”), it is clear that the whole concept of the reclaiming of their ancestral land by the poor and landless Blacks changed dramatically and positively, undoubtedly nullifying the fake 8% mentioned by the antagonists.61,81

Regarding the ongoing poverty of the landless Blacks within the 1994 land redistribution plan, it is important to note that the official back payment to Blacks who lost their land to Whites, confirms that only a fraction of the at least 50% (25 million persons plus) of the population (total 55 million plus) who lost land, were truly compensated. Evidence by Opperheimer61 shows that according to the Institute of Race Relations (IRR), 1.8 million individuals have received compensation, and that in these cases, the pay out of money or relocation of land were respectively at the value of R45 billion for redistribution and R43 billion for land reform. This reflects an under payout. In real numbers and money this means that only between 8% and 10% of the rightful Black landowners were really compensated and that their rightful compensation, if it was paid out to the rest of between 90% and 92% left uncompensated, could be so much as R500 million and more.61,81

It is an outright deception presented by the antagonists that only 8% of the Black population want their land back or want to farm. These incorrect statistics show clearly for the propagandists how the antagonists constantly play the joker card in their contaminated politics, in an effort to safeguard in future the White farmers’ mass ownerships of land and the exclusive favours, rights and privileges of the White farmers. With Ramaphosa’s land expropriation plan, between 30% and 50% of the total Black population can successfully be re-established in the countryside in various farming capacities. There is no evidence to contradict this fact.

3.2.11. There is not a place for a contingent of mass independent sufficient producing farmers

The constant decline in South African commercial farmers from 116 000 in 1950 to more or less 35,000 in 2018, is used by the antagonists to argue rigidly and incorrectly that more than 35 000 commercial farmers in South Africa is not financially viable and sustainable. Indeed, they argue, the number will come down dramatically as future production costs activate mechanising and the conjugating of smaller units into large mega farms. The antagonists even try to put the final number in a decade at 10 000 commercial farmers. The antagonists argue that the bringing in of a contingent of masses of types of commercial farmers – in this case specifically Black self-sufficient farmers – will be a failure. But in the same breath opposing the introduction of Black farmers, the antagonists, as in most of their attacks on the ANC’s land expropriation initiative, fail to offer any hard facts or evidence to support their arguments, opinions and viewpoints, besides far fetched speculations based upon assumed national and international profiles of the past.82-100

Looking critically at the commercial and financial output of the present hotchpotch of the 35 000 so-called “commercial” farmers – mostly White farmers — the facts reflect that only ±3 600 of them contribute between 90% and 95% to the country’s food security. The more or less other 31 400 farmers are indeed only so-called sufficientproducing farmers, meaning that they produce enough food and other agricultural produce to make them and their immediate families financially independent from social grants, as well as steering themselves successfully into the status of financially independent land owners and active farmers. Basically these sufficient-producing farmers represent two farmer classes: commercial farmers and subsistence farmers. These sufficient farmers include small scale farmers up to middle level farmers. The present day Zimbabwe, Botswana, Israel, Belgium and Britain reflect well upon the successes of these sufficient-producing farmers and their financial independence and contributions to essential products, and to a certain extent, also to their various countries’ food security and food exports. Their produce surpluses are sold mostly locally into a limited market to generate cash and to form to a certain extent part of the local food and economic security chain, outside the country’s higher level of food in the security chain. This local cash creation makes it possible for them to buy other needed produce and essentials, locally or nationally. Prominent here is the new concept of intensive small scale farming, together with the new concept to activate inclusive or social capitalism where optimal economics and finance are brought to every ordinary citizen, away from South Africa’s present smothering exclusive capitals, where richness is located and limited to a few big businesses and financial bullies as well as exclusive, favoured governmental and political beneficiaries like South Africa’s White farmers. The Ramaphosa redistribution plan is specifically focused upon the creation and establishment of sufficient-producing farmers, functioning successfully inside inclusive capitalism.12-14,17,18,61,101

These sufficient farmers are equal in income status and independence to the city dwellers working for a good salary as employees. Indeed, these farmers’ incomes and financial setups can frequently be more stable and higher than that of many of the employees working in the city. This outcome of sufficient-producing farmers, varying from small scale to middle level farming, and driven by inclusive capitalism and financial independence, is exactly what Ramaphosa intends with his land expropriation and what the present day White farmers experience as endangering their exclusive richness.

For the propagandists, it is very interesting to see how the antagonists avoid the fact that as many as 32 400 farmers are sufficient-producing farmers and are not fully part of the nucleus of farmers contributing to more than 90% of the country’s food security. The antagonists never have objections to these mostly “only” sufficient-producing 32 400 mostly White farmers, within the present day farmers’ community, wherein the respect for and underwriting of exclusive capitalism is an absolute prerequisite to be a farming member. This extreme pre-selectiveness and the building into it of discrimination of the ownership of exclusive money, are excellent examples for the propagandists of the outright racial intention by the Whites of South Africa to all costs keep the future ownership of land and the farming sector exclusively in White hands. Derby102 demonstrates how the present day sufficient-producing White farmers, varying from small scale to middle level farming, and driven by inclusive capitalism and financial independence, (exactly what Ramaphosa intends with his land expropriation), are working for 32 400 White farmers outside the small circle of the so-called food security producing farms. Prominent in this context is the fact that as much as 96% of the 36 000 farms (mostly in White hands) generate a turnover of less than R5 million per annum and have remained viable and sustainable now for years. (How viable and sustainable these 32 000 farms are, is clearly reflected in their fight to keep their farms from land expropriation).98,103-112

Looking at the present unemployed mass of Blacks living in shacks in cities under parlous conditions, the development at last of a contingent of a land owned Black proletariat, which was blocked by the Whites of the Boer republics, the Union of South Africa and the Verwoerd republic as well as the 1994 political dispensation, can at last be started up.There is no reason why these new sufficient-producing Black farmers cannot contribute in some way to the country’s local and national food security chain with time. The intention of the ANC regime is also the creation of a better marketing system for sufficient-producing farmers’ products through their own chain shops to bring their products directly at a good but affordable price to consumers, away from the White business bullies’ present monopolistic chain shops and comprehensive local and international markets wherein all the farmers receive in general a low, limited price for their produce. The promoting role of inclusive capitalism in driving and upkeep of these new sufficient-producing farmers inside a parallel system with existing capitalistic farming and produce marketing systems, will be prominent here.3,4

The postulation by the antagonists that there is not a place for a contingent of mass independent sufficient-producing farmers, whose farming is based upon and driven by inclusive capital – as many of the other postulations of the antagonists in their fighting off the intended land expropriation by the ANC regime is – is for the propagandists a myth. The use of manipulated data by the antagonists, like the so-called 90% failure of the so-called new Black farmers in the ANC regime’s 1994 to 2018 land redistribution programe, is for the propagandists to obstruct Ramaphosa’s intended expropriation of land from Whites and his intention to establish a mass of Black farmers in the South African farming sector. There is not a single trustworthy statistic to support the antagonists’ political crooking. The antagonists’ arguments, opinions and viewpoints failed the test of reliability for the propagandists.61,98,103-107,109-111,113,114

3.2.12. There is a need of an exclusive Afrikaner/White farming sector

For the propagandists, is it important to examine the antagonists’ emphasis on the importance of White land ownership and their so-called absolute need of White farmers to maintain South Africa’s present day economics of the farming sector and to guarantee food security.61

Central in this setup of so-called only viability and sustainability of the South African farming sector by the intimate role of the Whites (mainly Afrikaners) as absolutely needed as farmers, the element of immediate importance is the present day numbers of Afrikaners inside the total population and their future position in the country.

The total Afrikaner population stands at about ± 2.7 million (total White population: ± 5 million). The ratio between the ±35 000 commercial farmers (assumed to all be White for calculation purposes of this research) to the rest of the Afrikaner population is 13:1000 or 1.3%. If all 35 000 farmers are Whites (which they are not), the ratio would be 7:1 000 or 0.7%. There is an almost insignificant correlation between the broader Afrikaner/White population and the Afrikaner/White farming population in terms of financial interest, such as ownership of land or direct income from farming. The direct impact of lost farmland through the planned land expropriation upon most Afrikaners/Whites outside the farming sector would be minimal.4

About the so-called hugger-mugger of the Afrikaner farmers with the total Afrikaner community and the closed unity of Afrikaners, coming especially from DF Malan’s 1948 Afrikaner-volk, Louw4 shows that many Afrikaners have started to cut their cultural cord with the “Afrikaner-volk”, especially the younger generations after 1994. What these neo-Afrikaners want in a post-1994 South Africa is political stability, good work and a good living with affordable food on the table – it does not matter if the food is from Zambia, Argentina, produced by a White or Creole or Black Brazilian or a Black, Brown or White South African. These neo-Afrikaners do not really mind who rules the country, as long as it is a stable and responsible regime. The propagandists already noted that most of the emotive rhetoric on land grabbing does not come from the broad Afrikaner/White population, but from a small band of Afrikaner/White individuals and groups with direct financial interests in agriculture, like Agri SA, AfriForum, Solidarity, some Afrikaner media-groups and the FFP – groups who Louw4 calls the Afrikaner/White’s self-appointed rescuers and saviours. These groups represent at most 10% of Afrikaners/Whites, based upon their membership. It is clear for the propagandists that the present so-called “Afrikaner fight for the Afrikaner soil”, is a farce: it is nothing more than a myth upheld and preached by a small group of opportunistic antagonists, whose politics are still seated in the racism and Afrikaners’ self-enrichment and political empowerment stemming from the deceased Verwoerdian-republic. This dwarf group of antagonists’ political impact in future politics is insignificant.56,61,115,116

One can safely say that the Whites and neo-Afrikaners outside the farming sector have accepted that a new generation of South African farmers has to be born as quickly as possible, in order to ensure food security. This new generation of farmers can be, and must be, Blacks for most of the Whites and neo-Afrikaners outside the farming sector. The prominent outcome here is that the credo of Afrikaner farmers as absolutely needed in the farm sector is a deception. Moreover, it is a delusion in the mindsets of the antagonists. Any racial group can for the broader Afrikaner group drive and practice farming.56,61,115,116

The present rhetoric of the antagonists on land ownership, the right to farm and the exclusive entrance to farm economics is frequently dangerous, inapplicable and inappropriate to the stability of the country’s politics and race harmony. Much of this rhetoric reflects the old ideology of hard core Apartheid and is strongly carried by the Afrikaner media to the public. Thankfully there is a difference in the rhetoric between the English and Afrikaner media. Rhetoric from the English media (which includes Black and White journalistic voices) is mostly focused upon the urgent Black need for housing land in cities and the possible financial loss that expropriation without compensation can bring for present landowners and the financial institutions. The English media is also more focused upon the effect that land grabbing can have on future local and foreign investments if it is not done in an orderly fashion. For the propagandist, this English rhetoric is much more based upon constructive politics and is to a great extent free from the antagonists’ false and baseless attacks on the ANC regime’s land reform plan. Reality is not the basis of thinking and arguing here of the antagonists.3,4,13,16,18,62,117-121

For the propagandists, a large part of the Afrikaner media is motivated and driven daily by the antagonists’ political poison, a most derailing element to better South Africa politically and socio-economically. Part of the irrational thinking and often false presentation of land expropriation by the antagonists, which is as a matter of great concern to all members of the “Afrikaner volk” and White society, is the antagonists’ false argument on the absolute need for an Afrikaner/White farming sector because only they can ensure food security. It is plain nonsense: even the responses of the lay economist and politician confirm it. Any race can contribute constructively as farmers, if their circumstances are optimal. This is actually how the Afrikaners/Whites established themselves. There are American, Asian, British, Nigerian, Palestinian, Jewish, Algerian and many other farmers, who are not only successful commercial farmers in their own countries, but also contribute to global markets. In South Africa there are established commercial Black farmers already contributing in an indirect way to food security. Propagandists emphasise that evidence shows that when Black farmers receive the necessary financial and technical assistance, they become excellent farmers. The antagonists constantly preach that there is an absolute need for an Afrikaner/White farming sector because only they can ensure food security. This is a well-baked lie. It seems as though the antagonists lack the cognitive insight to ask themselves, in their constant fight to obstruct the introduction of a Black farmer community, why would Blacks not be able to become successful farmers in South Africa?56,61,115,116

A prominent factor, completely nullifying the antagonists’ foolish fight for the safeguarding of a sole contingent of White farmers (and which also is seemingly not part of the antagonists cognitive reasoning), is the fact that Afrikaners’ numbers have constantly declined since 1994, while the Black population shows a constant growth. Cognitive reasoning shows that a new generation of farmers would have to replace the current generation of Afrikaner/White farmers fast. The question of the propagandists, in line with Ramaphosa’s intention to establish a mass of Black farmers, is why must these replacements only be Afrikaners/Whites? Why must an exclusive small group of Afrikaner/White farmers be further protected at the costs of Black farmers and the interests of the majority of the Black population? In this regard Mthombothi122 posits a very critical and meaningful question122:25: “There is also the question of whether white farmers are a special breed who require special protection”.

The propagandists show that the over-estimation of Afrikaner/White farmers as a special, untouchable group in South Africa, is also contradicted by Dr Theo de Jager13, the president of the World Agricultural Union and of Galileo Capital. Reflecting upon the White farmers’ present day insignificance, he mentions that even if all White farmers voted for one political party, these votes would not be enough to assure one parliamentary seat. His following remark tells the whole story of the Afrikaner/White farmers decline and of insignificance in the present day political empowerment of South Africa13:3: “On a count-group basis the white farmers are irrelevant. The ANC does not need to take notice of farmers” [Own translation].

In systems where the majority gains control of the politics and the economy, the best balance between the interests of the majority and the minority (and for the country in general) is attained by way of a natural process and sometimes by statutory prescription. Land ownership and farming are prominent issues which the antagonists missed out as a result of their racial political stupefaction, reflect the propagandists. Sometimes land transformation happens in a very orderly fashion and sometimes these happenings are chaotic. The propagandists’ emphasise that South Africa is now in the middle of this normal process of economic, political and statutory balancing, moving the farming sector away from the minority Whites to the majority Blacks. Land reform should not be an emotional issue, but a rational issue, and always free from racism, something the antagonists fail to execute in their daily thinking, planning and action.4

South Africa currently has about 5 million Whites versus ± 55 million Blacks, or a statistical ratio of less than 1:11 or 9%:91% Whites versus Blacks. The present ratio of White farmers to Black farmers looks significantly different and represents an imbalance. Three outcomes are clear for the propagandists.4

Firstly, the racial dominance and abuse of Blacks from 1652 by Whites and the ousting of Blacks from their traditional land created an imbalance in terms of the number of White farmers versus the number of Black farmers. Indeed, if South Africa developed normally regarding racial and political rights and thus the correct racial balance in land ownership, the present day total Black farmers (calculated in terms of the ±35 000 commercial farmers and a Black population of 55-million), should be 32 000 Black farmers against more or less only 3 000 White farmers. Secondly, there is definitely in terms of the racial ratios of the country, an immediate need for a mass of able Black farmers. Thirdly, the perspectives of Mhtombothi122 and de Jager13 are correct: White farmers are not a special breed and do not require special protection to ensure food security, and White farmers are irrelevant in the future agricultural sector.13,122

The antagonists currentemphasis on the with importance of White land ownership and the absolute need of White farmers to keep up South Africa’s present day economics of the farming sector and the guarantee of food security, is an antagonist’s myth which nearly became a truth over more than three centuries.

3.2.13. The 90% failure of the 1994-2018 farm redistributions programme of the ANC regime is a truth

With regard to the constant carping by the antagonists that 90% of farms redistributed to Blacks in the 1994 land redistribution programme were failures, the propagandists note that the criteria used by the antagonists to decided on the “success” of the so-called “functioning Black farms” in the 1994 land redistribution programme are very arbitrary and in perspective nullify their so-called 90% failure rate. Firstly, the propagandists posit that criteria selected by the antagonists are vague and undefined. Secondly, the propagandists show that the estimations of the successfully functioning Black redistributed farms are 20% and more.61

Evidence, focusing upon the so-called high failure rate since 1994 to establish Black farmers, makes it clear that today’s farming as an enterprise and a career can be tough. It does not matter if it is applied to the established White farmers or incoming Black farmers. Many of the established White farmers are currently experiencing the same struggle to survive as the Black farmers who failed between 1994 and 2018 in the ANC regime’s redistribution model and programme. The large financial loans by the Land Bank and other commercial banks to finance the White farmers’ daily activities, is an excellent example of this struggle, even by Whites. What makes most of these White farming enterprises a success is the fact that they hold title deeds to loan on, while this kind of owner setup is frequently lacking with the Black farmers, especially those farming on state land under rent. The 1994 to 2018 official land redistribution plan was especially curbed by this problem, making not only the development of the Black farms null and void, but even the obtaining of basic funds by the new Black farmers to be able to run the daily functioning of their farms.61

Various other realities played a devastating role in the so-called failure of the ANC regime’s project of 1994 to 2018 in implementing land reform and the upliftment of Black farmers per se, which the antagonists keep back from the public in their attacks on the ANC regime’s farming projects, especially to block the intended land expropriation plan of Ramaphosa. For the propagandists these negative realities are opportunistically ignored by the antagonists in their criticism. In addition, modern day farming is a changeling undertaking in terms of high costs, immense time input, special training and experience, and uncontrollable natural phenomena such as droughts and the development of negative other climate blocks, putting produce successes under strain. Also the start up of a comprehensive project of various farming schemes countrywide has simultaneously put enormous strain in the form of an sudden abnormal need of professional labour, overseeing, administration, financing, advising, etc., on the ANC regime between 1994 and 2018. This negatively affected the full activation of the project. Farming needs enormous back-up funding before it becomes productive. Governmental support and finance is not enough. The start-up and running of such a comprehensive new project, especially wherein the poor and landless stand central, also needs immense public financial supportive input (many times on a gratis basis) via the private sector and the community, which was mostly lacking in the 1994 and 2018 governmental project. Prominent, as already indicated, is the fact that any new project needs to be allowed to development gradually, which on its own needs a slowed down time frame. The evaluation of the 1994 and 2018 land redistribution programme was forced by the antagonists into the immediate completion of the project with 100% successfully functioning Black farmers: required by the antagonists in only 24 years, as said, a 100% success rate in production and profits by these Black farms. Two clear blockages were ignored comfortably by the antagonists: 1) that the incoming Black farmers were novices who first needed time to acclimatise and to grow into independent farming; and 2) that such a new project needs a transition period of at least 20 years and more to stabilise and a further 20 years to grow. The success rate of more or less 20% (even the alleged 10% success rate of the antagonists) of the ANC regime’s 1994 to 2018 land redistribution project in the end, according to the propagandists, must be seen and respected as a phenomenal success.61

The propagandists believe that the already successful establishment of 26 Black farmers in the Eastern Cape at the costs of R1.4-billion is a worthwhile enterprise. To argue further by the antagonists that the incoming Black farmers in the ANC regime’s planned land redistribution will not contribute to the economy or will disturb the country’s economic system, is without any proven fact. The propagandists believe that it is plain thumb-sucking by the antagonists for their own opportunistic political reasons.61,123

For the propagandists it is clear that the antagonists are very fast to criticize the ANC regime’s so called failed land and farming redistribution efforts (1994-2018), but in this process ignore many external and uncontrollable factors contaminating the ANC’s sincere effort. Looking back to the country’s negative political history, evidence is there that the same kind of failures occurred, often in a more extreme context, under the White SAP regime and the NP regime over many years in the governing of the Union of South Africa and the Verwoerdian-republic. Indeed, precisely the same kind of contaminating factors were present for the Afrikaners from 1908 up to 1994, as well as with the rehabilitation of the poor proto-Afrikaners and the empowerment of the Afrikaners (but in these many cases long term development corrections were allowed and constant financial governmental assistance offered). It is specifically the nationalist Afrikaners with their NP regime, according to the propagandists, who socio-economically and politically botched up South Africa in many ways and cost the fortunes and lives of many Blacks, which had in 1994 overloaded the incoming ANC regime with many seriously problems which the NP regime could never solve themselves. The issues of poverty, inequality, unemployment and landlessness of the Blacks were pertinent unsolved problems of the NP regime (which they as a regime with their racial discrimination and exploitation of Blacks over many years indeed created themselves).3,4,22

The abovementioned early negative outcomes around the Afrikaners’ actions, coupled also to immense Afrikaner/White failures, are today erased from the mindsets of many hostile antagonists who are now fighting Black rule and any form of land redistribution which can negatively impact upon the Whites.

The present efforts of the antagonists to constantly focus the public’s attention on the so-called “failure of the 1994 to 2018 land redistribution programme”, are according to the propagandists to obstruct Ramaphosa’s plan of land distribution and prevent the introductiong of mass Black farming. For the propagandists this obstruction is more than that: it is the intentional steering of White political opportunism and the creation of falsities against the ANC as a political party with the main, but masked intention, of the fighting of the continued Black political rule of South Africa after 2018.123,125

Regarding the limitation of enough time for the ANC regime to introduce and establish its 1994 dispensation land reform, the propagandists note that the nationalist Afrikaner had in their immense rehabilitation plan of the poor Afrikaners far more than a half century’s time available to activate their various comprehensive upliftment schemes exclusively for Whites. In addition, the proto-Afrikaners, as opposed to the politically suppressed and abused Blacks, had already been exposed to independent government from 1853 at the Cape Colony and were far more financially independent than were the Blacks in 1994. This early Afrikaner process of White political development and emancipation, which was also streamed into the Boer republics, was further improved all over South Africa after 1910, especially after 1948 when the NP grabbed political power. As the Whites benefitted from the political setup, the Afrikaners were offered the opportunity to experience the long term (over far more than 100 years of exclusive White upliftment) the test-retest of good politics versus bad politics, and the gaining of valuable experience on governing. Hereto the ANC regime only had 24 years to test-retest the failed racial political setup which they unwillingly inherited from the nationalist Afrikaners under the NP and which they were forced to improve as fast as possible. The ANC, until 1994 a suppressed Black liberation movement, was totally cut out and cut off from any role-playing in the direct experiencing of the pre-1994 South African politics. Basically, the ANC was totally inexperienced and under skilled in 1994 to govern the then most troubled South Africa effectively. For the propagandists, this unhealthy political setup of 1994 limited the ANC regime to fast initiate the execution of their official land redistribution programme, making them a false culprit.3,4,22

For the propagandists, the 1994 dispensation steering the post-1994 governing period up to 2018, was a statutory ruling to fit par excellence the outgoing NP-AB-DRC-Alliance’s politics and economics. Although political rights were transferred to the ANC regime in 1994, the economical rights were kept until today by the old White establishment (who are also the majority land owners). This limited the ANC, through the 1994 Constitution, to be able to take extraordinary steps to rectify the unbalanced and corrupt land ownership coming over centuries from 1652. It is only from 2016 that the political and economic situation started to turn favourable for the ANC regime to break out from its White capturing and to address land reform on a limited scale.3,4

Furthermore, the Constitution, which the antagonists describe as excellent and untouchable, is for the propagandists a piece of legislation which exclusively favours Whites. The propagandists see the Constitution right in the path so far of a total South African Rehabilitation. Today, as a result of the immense backlog created by the centuries old complete deprivation of non-Whites, aggravated by the further financial imbalance after 1994, the propagandists believe land reform requires a dramatic approach: even where and when needed, the application of land grabbing in order to obtain balance and to prevent serious civil unrest.4

It must further be noted that the White Union regimes from 1910 to 1948, and the NP regime from 1948 to 1994, were rich and were for a long time in power to build up exclusive strong financial empowerment and governmental foundation for Whites, especially the Afrikaners. Thus the majority of non-Whites of South Africa are impoverished. Built into this exclusively White Helping Hand Only for Whites was the practice of economical discrimination of the already poor Blacks and non-Whites, forcing them further down the ladder of poverty, inequality and joblessness. This masse of poor Blacks has totally lacked from 1652 the sympathy support of rich private non-White institutions and non-White persons up to 1994, to aid the ANC regime immediately in and after 1994 (as was the case of comprehensive, ongoing support for the poor Whites in the 1930s, besides the White government’s support, by wel established and financially strong Afrikaner organisations (such as the Dutch Reformed Church and the AB), to activate an effective and well steered government plan of successful land redistribution. As indicated, this immense lack of official and unofficial financial support and guidance (as well as training, moral, social, and psychological support) to aid non-Whites to better themselves in general, were absent from 1910 when the Whites began to be uplifted. For the propagandists this was an outright failure and a well planned ongoing discrimination to non-Whites by the various White regimes. Even the Theron Commission’s urgent recommendations in 1979 to better the mass of non-Whites were wantonly ignored by the White NP regime, as postulated by the propagandists.4

The propagandists challenge the hypotheses of Opperheimer61 and the IRR that in terms of the 1994 to 2018 land redistribution programme “nearly 95% the land in dispute was successfully solved and that the process around land redistribution is nearly fully complete”. Evidence contradicts this final outcome and the closing down of the South African land ownership issue as based on the 1994 dispensation. For the propagandists, this 1994 to 2018 official programme by far does not include all the land legally qualifying for redistribution. Motsoko Pheko9, in his explication of the official stealing of Black land by Whites, shows that the Native Land Act 1913 illegally allocated 93% of the Africans’ land to 349 837 European settlers, leaving only 7% of their own country to over five million Africans. This illegal transfer of Black land to Whites is also confirmed by the 1955 Thomson Commission56 which posits that the Blacks were in 1955 more or less in possession of only 15% of their original land. Ramaphosa makes reference of 13% of land today owned by Blacks in the new South Africa. Opperheimer’s61 and the IRR’s 15% ownership of land by Blacks, leaving 85% of the country’s total soil in the possession of Whites, is again a excellent example of the frame of mind of the antagonists. At least as much as 70% plus of the Blacks’ land was excluded from the 1994 dispensation and thus needs to still be addressed. This unjust outcome is why it is so important for the propagandists that Ramaphosa’s land reform plan must be activated with great speed.4,9,61

The arguments of antagonists such as Opperheimer61 and the IRR that the Blacks were nearly fully compensated in 2018 for all the land they had lost before 1994, is false and misleading. At least 70% and more of the land of Blacks lost before 1994 must still be transferred back to them.9,61

3.2.14. Home ownership in South Africa matches the racial demographics

The reference of Opperheimer61, based upon the statistics of the IRR, which reads61:18: “…home ownership [in South Africa] matches racial demographics”, is shown by the propagandists to be a falsity, or better, as Mthombothi puts it126:25: “… the use of own facts to make myths truths!” The same can be said about the misuse by the antagonists of the recent government’s own land audit which shows ownership of property (not farm land) a racial parity with 49% of properties owned by Whites and 46% owned by Blacks. The audit reflects more or less the same ratio for sectional title ownership of Whites versus Blacks.4,61,128

However, the antagonists argue that it must be noted that the definition upon which the IRR based its conclusion to state that home ownership matches racial demographics, is highly debatable. Indeed, it is a superficial and a misleading conclusion.4,61,126-129

Firstly, this is a one-by-one racial comparison, simply based upon the definition: who are the owners of what property in South Africa, absolutely ignoring the true numbers of the various racial populations in the total ownership of land. The comparison here by the antagonists is faulty in that the total White population of 5 million versus a sub-population of 5 million Blacks is used, in a manipulating equalisation of the various races, to give the ratio 1:1, which is a myth. In reality the comparison should be the total White population of 5 million versus the total Black population of 55 million, to give the ratio 1:11, which is the truth. This means that in real life for every eleven Whites owning a property only one Black person owns a property! More precisely, in theoretical statistical terms, it means that: if 5 million Whites own houses, only 5 million Blacks also own houses, with 50 million Blacks homeless or lacking the ownerships of houses. This immense joyless situation gives insight into why the ANC regime can refer with honesty to the present day definition of mass of poor and landless Blacks who urgently need land and their own accommodation, and why the activating of land expropriation is urgently needed.

Furthermore is it clear that the selective and manipulative definition of ownership, wherein the theoretical good quality existence of 5 million Whites’ houses and the 5 million Blacks’ houses is fronted to the public – which is used so promptly by Opperheimer61 and the IRR to illustrate the antagonists’ evidence of the “justice” around Black housing, is in an effort to obstruct and nullify the intended land expropriation. It ignores the low quality of the so-called present day “other houses” of most of the Blacks all over South Africa. These “other houses” (excluding the low quality HOP houses) theoretically accommodate 50 million Blacks. Looking critically at these so-called “other houses”, the best and only definition in describing them are “shacks”. These shacks are mostly of sink and/or cardboard which fail to withstand the harsh element (extreme sun, cold, rain) and are of short term duration. Again note: These shacks represent more or less eleven Blacks’ accommodation against every single White’s accommodation (White accommodation: a standard house fulfilling the building prerequisites of municipalities and building societies). Moreover, these shacks are mostly illegally erected on the land of White land owners or municipalities, permanently under threat to be demolished by the ‘Red Ants” and the shack dwellers to be arrested by the SAPD. The propagandists note that this illegal land occupation with the erection of shacks is not a willing action by the Blacks, but a delinquent action, forced on the poor Blacks, due to their immense poverty, joblessness and landlessness. This negative setup, as already shown many times in this research, is a direct result of the practice of the Whites’ racial discrimination, land theft and the utmost deprivation of Blacks, coming from 1652 under White rule. For the ANC regime to rectify this immense South African socio-economical and political chaos in the short period of 24 years, created by the various White regimes over hundreds of years, especially the NP-regime after 1948, is totally impossible. [In 1948, as much as 35 years after the start-up of the Afrikaners’ rehabilitation in 1913, all efforts to better the Afrikaners’ economical and social position were still fruitless. It took the nationalist Afrikaners more or less 47 years, from 1913 to 1960, to stabilise the Afrikaners poverty with their first stage of the Afrikaners’ rehabilitation. It was only in the 1980s onwards (nearly 70 years after 1913) that the second phase of Afrikaner rehabilitation worked positively for them and economical growth and political maturity started to really appear].4,61,126-138

The thousands of RDP/HOP houses erected by the ANC regime since 1994 as an emergency measure (just as a temporary measure to accommodate and to steer the immediate 1994 Black housing problem in a limited positive way, away from the mass political troubles the country under the ANC regime inherited from the previous Whites) – were immensely welcomed by the Blacks without a roof over their heads. RDP/HOP houses were a temporary solution to the chaotic Black housing situation of 1994, but they do not solve the greater problem around Black house ownership. This introduction brought much improvement for the living conditions of the poor and landless Blacks. But looking critically at it, is it clear that the RDP/HOP houses’ basic standards and facilities fail the average test as houses and are, when compared with the average houses of Whites, absolutely on the zero standard level.4,61,126-138

What Opperheimer61 and the IRR cleverly side-stepped and are deathly silent on – as are most of the antagonists in their justification of the present day imbalanced housing setup between Blacks and Whites in post-1994 South Africa – are the comprehensive negative “housing environments” wherein millions of Black shack dwellers are living: a lack of their own electricity, water, toilet facilities; unfavourable living areas without good roads; situated in isolated and underdeveloped areas, located far from public transport, shops, public schools and medical facilities; areas mostly ridden by crime and not integrated into rich, even middle class White housing areas; and many times located on river banks exposed to constant fluids and other life threats.61,132,139

What many of the rich White land and home owners, and also the antagonists missed out on, those who selfishly only think and act in the interests of Whites’ land ownership and richness, is that every poor and landless Black shack dweller belongs to the greater South African society: a society where the poorest of the poor Blacks deserve to be treated with respect and dignity. Democracy never really arrived in 1994 in South Africa. The inclusive capitalistic propagandists, other than the cold-blooded exclusive capitalistic antagonists, believe that nobody must be without a house or at least land to build a house and must enjoy basic services such as water, electricity and sanitation. It is in this context of inclusive capitalistic upliftment that the ANC regime is planning and steering its land expropriation intentions, trying to bring land and house ownership to the poor Blacks.132,139

The arguments by the antagonists that land redistribution is a well planned and masked social engineering initiative by the ANC leadership to activate RET and RST as fast as possible, is unsubstantiated and malign. The present day wealth and privilege captured by most Whites are so immense that any organised RST would fail from day one to disturb it, forget to remodel it. The opportunity for the masses of poor Blacks to ever be able to move into the expensive traditional living areas of Whites is zero. Their poverty is of such an extent that it would take them at least two decades of financial upliftment even to be able to move into the lower and middle level living areas of Whites. It seems to be the antagonists’ deep-seated fear that the bringing about of economic upliftment to the masse of poor Blacks would undermine their traditional socio-economic and political privileges, rights and positions in greater South Africa. The antagonists again demonstrate for the propagandists their intense racism by their selection of an unsubstantiated subject such as racial demographics to make a kind of statement to block the land expropriation initiative. Also it is the antagonists’ postulation that land expropriation is a selective effort by the ANC regime to force the integration of White into the greater Black community. It is extremely arrogant, racistic and malign. For the propagandists is it an open question whether Blacks want to integrate with Whites and whether they really want them as dwellers in the greater Black community. It is clear for the propagandists that the antagonists’ political confusion is so immense that they miss out on the reason for the government to bring the poor Blacks to better living areas: to uplift them out of their immense poverty and emotional deprivation, which are ongoing consequences of Apartheid and which the antagonists are blind to.4

The IRR’s and Opperheimer’s61 postulations that present day home ownerships match racial demographics must be rejected outright with the contempt they deserve. Central for the propagandists’ is one single concept: Black discrimination. For the propagandists, the antagonists’ outright blindness to indigenous South African realities and their urgent needs, is a cognitive disfunction. The antagonists’ obstruction of the rightful claims on land by the poor Blacks will one day cost them their heads, as it did the politically rigid and selfish Tsar and his rich nobles.

3.2.15. Strength of political contamination and obstruction of the antagonistic rescuers and saviours

Prominent in the present fight against land expropriation and the unchangeableness of the Constitution, according to the propagandists, are the so-called Afrikaner/White rescuers and saviours, or better: the White Knights, who seemingly believe rigidly that they are going to maintain Afrikanerism and White richness and land ownership at all costs for ever. The propagandists show that the numbers of these so-called rescuers and saviours of the Afrikaner/White group, do not amount to more than 350 000 in number or 7% of the total White population. From a political empowerment point of view they are thus insignificant as policy makers or changers. At the moment they figure prominently in public speeches, court cases, political and public petitions and do not hesitate to attack groundlessly every action that can “endanger” White land ownership, White richness and exclusive White political rights, favours and privileges. Looking critically at their functioning and the pre-requisite for “White Knight membership”, the propagandists see them as clear remnants of the late NP-AB-DRC-alliance which sent South Africa into doom. Critically, in perspective, the contributions of the Afrikaner/White rescuers and saviours to positive modern day South African politics are null and void.4

The Afrikaner/White rescuers’ and saviours’ constant foolish civil and sometimes even criminal actions against their main political enemies, the ANC regime and the various political independent Black political thinkers, politicians and leaders, are for the propagandists nothing less then wanton window dressing to recruit new members for their various White rightwing organiations, which are mostly masked White labour unions in private ownership. The sole aim of the recruiting of membership of antagonistic organisations (together many times with outright begging of money under the cover of donations for the so-called Afrikaner/White case) is to generate income for these organisations’ own workers, directors and leaders, and undoubtedly not the noble aim to safeguard the Whites’ interests, which they try so hard to reflect to the public. Of course there are also the foolish “know-all sympathisers” and other hangers-on to this small band of White Knights, also coming from the “good old days” of the NP-AB-DRC-alliance, with only one mission: fighting at all costs and at all times the ANC regime and Black Nationalism. For the propagandists the antagonists are besotted by the belief that they are going to be successful in the instituting of a Siener van Rensburg White South Africa in the near future.4,140

What is abundantly clear for the propagandists in this context of ongoing White supremacy, is that the antagonists do not hesitate to divide South Africans into different race groups simply to uphold their White rights and privileges. At the moment the antagonists’ sole intention is the reflecting of “White discrimination” by the “Black” ANC regime, without any clarification as to what precisely these “discriminations” are. Looking at the antagonists’ presentations on the South African “racial” discrimination to the international world, they are totally silent on admitting to the immense existing present day injustice and unfairness, together with the huge economic separation between the haves (Whites) and have-nots (Blacks) which were created solely by the antagonists through their Apartheid. In this context the country has a rich, largely White group, forming a strong branch of the antagonists (fighting at present not only for the upkeep of stolen riches like land through Apartheid, but further enlarging it with exclusive capitalism’s exploitation of the masses of poor Blacks) versus a mass of poor Blacks for whom it is impossible to ever escape from their dire circumstances without extraordinary help over an extremely long period of rehabilitation.140,141

Gandhi140 brings this planned delinquent “memory loss” of the antagonists of their contaminated past prominently into focus as follows140:21:

A result of no acknowledgement and no sharing is that we have a very large majority of people living in poverty with no facilities, while others have excessive wealth and privileged access to resources. Racism is linked to this privilege.

There is a reluctance to rectify the injustices of the past through constructive programmes and voluntary sharing of wealth gained through apartheid privilege. Instead, there is agitation for the protection of individual rights and privileges at the expense of the common.

For the propagandists, Gandhi describes precisely the modus operandi of the antagonists, to uphold stolen land through their various agitations to protect the Whites’ individual rights and privileges, notwithstanding the coming of the 1994 democracy and Black rule.140

For the propagandists, two prominent outcomes are more and more reflected in the antagonists’ present agitation for the protection of individual rights and privileges of Whites at the expense of the common poor Blacks: an insecurity as a group, knowing precisely that their crooked intentions with their so-called “saving” of the Afrikaner-volk, are detected by their own people and that they are going to be ousted in future from the Afrikaner/White inner-circle as well as the South African politics, wherein Black politics is going to steer the country constructively outside the White Knights’ contaminated racial and self-enriching politics of White supremacy. Secondly, a direct outcome of the White Knights’ insecurity, is that they, in an effort to still be accepted and to still be seated inside the greater Afrikaner/White circle, start to act extremely in attacking everyone politically and personally, from the ANC regime to other Afrikaners/Whites, who dare to criticise or oppose any of the delinquent thinking, planning and action of the antagonists.4

For the propagandists, this is degenerate of the antagonists’ political integrity and is a dangerous sign, reflecting back to the politically extreme actions of the NP regime against its opponents, which included murder. It echos again the foolish thinking and action of the rightwing Janusz Walusth, who believed that by murdering Chris Hani, the leader of the South African Communist Party and Umkhonto we Sizwe, he could incite a civil war to end post-Apartheid reconciliation and the incoming ANC as the new regime.142

Important for the propagandists is the antagonists’ negative labeling in public of any person, even persons from their own clan, who dare criticise or expose the falsehood of their antagonistic politics. This labeling is apparent many times in the Afrikaans media with the classification of their political opponents as “anti-Afrikaners” and “anti-Whites”, even sometimes as blockheads. Many of their political writings and speeches are nothing more than fake news, which, it seems, need the ANC regime’s attention and reaction.4,143

Prominent in the subjective attacks on critics of the antagonists’ foolish politics, is the abusive and confused writing of a said Du Plessis, in his reaction to the sound arguing and criticism of seasoned political and academic Afrikaners, because they dare to take on his so-called elite Solidarity, AfriForum and the Freedom Front Plus. Although his response is pie in the sky and does not have any impact in terms of opinion-making on the ANC regime’s well argued and planned politics around land expropriation, the propagandists believe that it must be reflected to demonstrate the antagonists’ poor present day perception of political reality and their foolishly aimless fighting of Black rule since 1994 (and the inherent dangers to the antagonists’ politics which many times go undetected). This present political confusion by many antagonistic journalists and writers is a surprise, seeing that some of them have spent years in political journalism. It seems as though their life long sojourn inside the politically corrupt NP-AB-DRC-alliance tragically contaminated their thinking of political and indigenous realities.143

Du Plessis143, in his focus upon so-called White antiAfrikaners who dare to fight the so-called mighty elite Solidarity and AfriForum, as well as Donald Trump, write as follows143:6:

Nes in die VSA, is dit hoofsaaklik dial-a-quote-professore en lessenaar-ontleders wat lostrek. In dieselfde mislik neerbuigende trant as hul geesgenote in die VSA. Met nóg minder resultate hier as daar.

Want Solidariteit/AfriForum het, nes die ANC van weleer, die EFF vandag en die Trumpiste in die VSA, die kragtige persepsie aan hul kant dat hulle “basies aan die kant van die mense is”, in hul geval meerendeels Afrikaanses.

Du Plessis’s143 reference – or more his self-appointment to be able to speak on behalf of the so-called Afrikaanses – reflects two outcomes: political confusion of who the Afrikaanses were in the time of the racist NP-AB-DRC-alliance government; and political arrogance, reflecting again the despair of the antagonists in their phasing out of present day politics and their last minute attempts to make a kind of come back in the already starving White politics. Firstly, the propagandists see Du Plessis143 speaking on behalf of the so-called Afrikaners, is already inapplicable and political stupidity, because he in no way represents them in present day politics. It reflects his present political confusion par excellence. Secondly, for him to speak on behalf of the Afrikaanses (all Afrikaans-speaking people including Coloureds, Blacks), is blatant arrogance and even totally outside Du Plessis’s143 self-mandate as a 2018 political prophet. Political confusion is again prominent here for the propagandists. For them all the evidence is there that the political ideologies of Du Plessis’s143 elite Solidarity, AfriForum, IRR and the Freedom Front Plus hold doom for the Afrikaners as well as the Afrikaanses. His actions and writings are making the adaptation of the Afrikaners and the Afrikaanses to the realities of the new South Africa extremely difficult. They may be doomed in the end.4,143

The propagandists view these antagonistic organisations as blind and blunt opposition to any form of land expropriation or better: “any so-called endangering of White interests and richness”. Thankfully, the propagandists believe that these obstructive White saviour and rescuer organisations, which are trying every day to derail the ANC regime’s positive undertakings and guarantees, together with the many arrogant and dial-a-quotes of Du Plessis and of the antagonists who are “guiding” confused Afrikaners on South Africa post-1994 politics, will disappear summarily from public life in less than a decade. Looking very carefully at the contents of these Afrikaner rescuers’ and saviours’ political rhetoric, the propagandists feel that much of the content is “false and fake news”, which can activate racial conflict and citizen disobedience, and as such, needs to be curbed by legislation in the near future.4,143

3.2.16. Exclusive capitalism and inclusive (social) capitalism in the South African economy

It has been referred various times in this article as well as in the other articles of the project to the concepts exclusive capitalism and inclusive (social) capitalism in the South African economy. It is important, in evaluating the land expropriation initiative of Ramaphosa, to bring the two concepts, exclusive capitalism and inclusive (social) capitalism, into perspective.

On the definition of inclusive capitalism Khumalo writes144:10:

Whilst the definition of inclusive capitalism remains largely fluid, the general consensus seems to be a form of capitalism which seeks to put society rather than profit at the heart of decision-making and action by business. This has to be contrasted with contemporary capitalism which places profit at the centre and argues that somehow society will benefit.

Despite its universal appeal, classic [exclusive] capitalism has resulted in the super-rich and the super-poor, and a widening inequality gap across the world. It has led to an economic universe where the benefits of capitalism are amplified for the minority and its shortfalls felt by millions of poor and marginalised people.

It is important to note that exclusive (classic) capitalism is a foundation in the drive of the antagonists to upkeep the exclusive ownership of the White farmers’ land and riches; and to keep out the mass of poor and landless Blacks, driven by inclusive capitalism, from the dominant White South African farming sector. Looking closely at the actions of many of the antagonists’ self-appointed spokesmen, such as Du Plessis143, it is clear that besides their besottment with White supremacy and the upholding thereof in future South Africa, their upholding of exclusive capitalism (unknown to most of these antagonists as a masked vehicle used by the exclusive capitalists for the further enrichment of a few of the rich in charge of the country’s purse), has became intertwined in their mindset with the practice of so-called Western democracy. The central (but wrong) belief is that only through the so-called Western exclusive capitalism and Western exclusive democracy can every South African‘s interest be promoted and upheld. The antagonists believe, without real arguments to confirm it, that international or global inclusive capitalism (which the propagandists promote together with exclusive capitalism in South Africa) to uplift the mass of poor and landless Blacks, is Marxist, revolutionary and anti-Western. Looking critically at the official practice of exclusive capitalism in South Africa, it becomes clear that the antagonists’ view thereof is a farce. South Africa’s political and economic system has for years, specifically under the nationalist Afrikaners, been inclusively capitalistically driven. The nationalising from day one of most of the South African service-delivery old enterprises (such as today’s Transnet, SABC, Eskom and SAA), primary and secondary education, the so-called Bantustans of the NP, etc., are examples par excellence of inclusive capital models. Hereto is exclusive capital always vested in South Africa in the hands of a few capitalistic bullies (mostly White till 1994), who are manipulating every financial interest and step of the individual (even that of persons like the self-appointed spokespersons of the antagonists, although this reality is totally lacking in their mindset) to enrich themselves selfishly through the exclusive capitalist model.4,98,143

This exclusive capitalist manipulation and management, especially since 1910, is well planned and executed by the exclusive capitalistic bullies, contaminating the ordinary Whites’ mindset through the fear and danger of the horrors of communism, nationalisation of the private capital and assets, and the rise of suppression of Whites politically, socially and personally (the so-called horrors of Mao, Stalin and Mugabe!). This doctrine by the nationalist Afrikaner capitalists intensified from 1948 with the arrival of DF Malan and has not abated until today. Looking at the so-called upliftment of the post-1910 Afrikaners, it becomes clear that certain Afrikaner leaders and their families (who with time, became the guardians of the NP-AB-DRC-alliance through their newly allocated richness) solely benefitted inside exclusive capitalism. Although the nationalist Afrikaners, forming most of the present antagonists, pride themselves today on their good pensions and ownership of houses etc., brought to them through Afrikanerism, the value of these monies paid out to them, is peanuts in terms of the direct financial benefits and richness their membership payments to pension and medical funds, etc. These monies have been brought to the White exclusive capitalists who own, run and manage these various funds and financial institutes. Most of the antagonists’ mindsets became so doctrine mesmerised and filled with fear over the years by these few White exclusive capitalists’ ideology on the dangers awaiting them if the communists and the practitioners of so-called inclusive capitalism take over, that they lost their cognitive insight of what is politically and economically a myth versus what is politically correct, while the few exclusive White capitalists were laughing all the way to bank their billions at the cost of the individual poor South African.3,4,16,144-146

Firstly, with the suppression and dangers alluded to by the exclusive capitalists awaiting South Africans if the so-called “communists” take over, the facts show that South Africa was a country characterised by suppression and genocide of its people during 1948 to 1994 (the NP-regime of the nationalist Afrikaners). This extreme suppression never happened before 1948 and never after 1994. Secondly, in 1994 a strong element of communists became part of the ANC regime, but never activated suppression or genocide of South Africa’s people, specifically not of the Whites. Neither was nationalisation introduced by them. Thirdly, it must also be clear in the mindsets of the antagonists that socialism was always strongly anchored within exclusive capitalism in the 1948 to 1994 regime of the NP; prominently here again reflected by the business principles of the old public services like the South African railways, primary, secondary and tertiary education and health services, etc. It was only from the 1970s that so-called privatisation of public enterprises began to develop, bringing a parallel system of socialism and private exclusive capitalism to run hand in hand. Fourthly, the propagandists emphasise that there is no intention to change the South African economic system to the PAC’s exclusive socialism model, and thus to replace altogether the present economic system of exclusive capitalism. For the propagandists this is nothing else than the” Malema-nationalising” model which the ANC sees as undemocratic and an outright business failure.3,4,16,144-146

Looking further critically, specifically at the presence of White exclusive capital versus White inclusive capital, is it clear that the ±32 000 commercial White farmers – farming outside the exclusive circle of 3 200 White mega-farmers producing 90% and more of country’s food security – were in the past and are still today, themselves underwriters and practitioners of inclusive capital (although the reality of it is suppressed in their mindsets by the doctrine of Afrikanerism on communism and Black empowerment). Journalists such as Du Plessis are in the same boat of financial functioning (Du Plessis as a pensioner) inside inclusive capitalism, without cognitively recognising it! He and most of the 32 000 commercial White farmers and other salaried and self-employed Whites became since 1948 just too spell-bound by the nationalist Afrikaners crooked politics to comprehend their true situation. If Du Plessis doubts the truth of this posit he can just ask his previous boss and mentor, Koos Bekker, to confirm it and to teach him more about the goodness of inclusive capitalism. For the propagandists the ANC regime’s land redistribution with or without compensation, and the foundation thereof on inclusive capitalism, are not new in the South African financial and economical setup. This was always there and will always be there in the future. In the past inclusive capitalism did immense good to White farmers and it is going to do good to them again in the future.4,143

What is important at this stage for the propagandists is that most of the antagonists, who are still themselves today excluded from exclusive capitalism and its immense benefits, start to observe their position inside the well established and functioning inclusive capitalistic system and make a change to the side of the propagandists. Cyril Ramaphosa’s uplifting of the poor and landless Blacks is just an extension of the old inclusive capitalism, coming from the 1913 and which was also extensively used by the early White regimes to uplift the poor and landless Whites. It worked then: why will it not work now again with the poor and landless Blacks and the South African Nation as a unity?9,98

It is astonishing for the propagandists that so many of the antagonists, well educated and intelligent people, are still opposing the ANC regime, notwithstanding knowing that there are very few differences between their own political and economic ideologies, aims and intentions and those of the ANC elite. For the propagandists, one negative driver in the antagonists’ fight against the ANC regime since 1994 stands out: the antagonists’ foolish and stupid racism which was internalised into their mindsets by the opportunistic Afrikaners’ exclusive capitalists.145 ***

The propagandists believe it is time for the antagonists to look critically to present day South African politics: only then they will be surprised by the false Western democracy and Western exclusive capitalism which they have lived in since 1910. It will give them insight into their personal, political and economic abuse by the exclusive capitalists. It is time for most of the ±350 000 antagonists to make a wise political turn around: most Afrikaners/Whites (more than 4.6 million already did this and are happy). These turned around antagonists can not only help to solve the poor and landless Black Problem, but can at the same time assure themselves and their ancestors a personal, political and economic haven in future South Africa.4 For the propagandists, all people are born into certain societies and, as Martinez1 shows, are introduced to and formed in these setups by certain cultures and beliefs for the good or bad. The White Afrikaners did not have a choice who were going to be their parents and what effect Apartheid would have on their characters, and thus how they were going to approach the South Africa of 2018. But, as Martinez1 also shows, no-one needs to be a victim of his/her circumstances: all persons can change. It is time for the antagonists to follow Lailah Gifty Akita’s proverbial advice: “Don’t be a victim of circumstances. Choose victory by gracious endurance”.

For the propagandists it is time for the antagonists to whole-heartedly join Ramaphosa’s land reform initiative!

4. Conclusions

Looking in perspective at the intended land redistribution of the ANC under the leadership of President Cyril Ramaphosa, the editor147 of the Sunday Times can rightfully say that there are more snakes than ladders in our silver anniversary year of democracy: there are indeed manifold problems and obstructions to overcome; the question is if it can be overcome. He writes147:8:

When Nelson Mandela delivered his inspiring inauguration speech on May 10 1994, he imagined a different SA than the one we live in today. Paying tribute to the heroes of the struggle and the sacrifices they made, he said: “Their dreams have become reality. Freedom is their reward”. Sadly, Mandela’s rhetoric soared far higher than the reality that has unfolded since then. His dream of a non-racial, non-sexist, equal society remains just that, a dream. Under apartheid, he said, SA was “the skunk of the world”. Now it is the country with the greatest levels of inequality, one burdened by a schooling system memorably described this week by the man who runs it as “not the worst in the world”.

As we prepare to celebrate a quarter of a century of democracy, South Africans have little to show for the vision held out by Mandela. The non-racial project has all but collapsed. Legitimate calls for redistribution have been hijacked by opportunists hellbent on sowing racial tension. Lingering racial discrimination refuses to let the wounds inflicted by apartheid heal.

It is so far clear for the propagandists that a mass of contaminating elements and role-players, integrated and established in the age-old injustice and discriminative White political and socio-economic system of South Africa, are obstructing the change to Section 25 to be able to effect land expropriation without compensation. The presence of myths and lies, used masterfully by the antagonists to assure the continuation of exclusive White land ownership, are prominent in the antagonists’ arguments, opinions and viewpoints.

The propagandists have no other choice in their fight for a just South Africa, free from White supremacy and enrichment, but to take on the change to Section 25 to effect land expropriation without compensation. It is the only path to uplift the mass of Blacks out of their inequality, landlessness, poverty and unemployment, which stem from Apartheid’s exploitation and suppression of Blacks for centuries. The immense land grabbing by Whites of non-Whites’ land, coming from 1652, can at last effectively be reversed.

For the propagandists, the antagonists’ hostility and manipulation, to hold on to their multiple privileges coming from pre-1994 South Africa, are prominent. Central is their rejection of Black empowerment, making their responsibility and contribution to society, especially the poor, in the end null and void. The antagonists’ intentions are all to activate self-profit. For the propagandists, the country is still today financially run by a small class of a White elite under guardianship of White males versus a mass of Blacks who posses little in social, cultural, racial and financial rights and privileges. The undoing of the historical trajectory of the age-old injustice and discriminative White political and socio-economic system of South African society is one of the biggest challenges for the government. There is still the belittling of and the ignoring of Blacks as incompetent, which took root from the founding of the Union of South Africa. This setup is forcing the ANC government to activate and to bring democracy to every citizen, with no other alternative to comprehensive land redistribution to relocate exclusive capital to inclusive capital, so as to erase inequality, unemployment, poverty and landlessness.

The reference by Khumalo146 of the hanging of an economic-political revolution over South Africa’s head is clear when he says that146:10: “South Africans at large would do well to remember the words of the late English historian, EP Thompson, who spoke of the need to understand the moral economy and avoid becoming a world in which economic and moral concerns are gradually drifting apart”.

South Africa has failed totally since 1652 to understand the concept of moral economy; let alone to implement it in any form at any time outside a racial division with the Whites as the privileged and the Blacks as the victims. The presence of a mass of poor and landless Blacks is the clear result of this failed moral economy. This is evidenced by the hard fact that so much as 29 million Blacks are poor (more than 50% of the total population) and that the democracy of 1994 could not overcome the Blacks’ immense poverty, inequality and unemployment created by racial discrimination of centuries. The propagandists show that in this morally sick setup, the privileged Whites so far have blocked a free civilian transfer of some of their wealth to the Blacks, forcing a compulsory civilian transfer of land expropriation into practice.

Khumalo144 contends that the legitimacy of exclusive capitalism is at a crisis point in South Africa. Here its pitfalls are exhibited with the dubious distinction of the world’s greatest inequality quotient, a crisis of youth unemployment and a lack of upward mobility for millions of South Africans. Khumalo writes144:10:

The captains of [exclusive] capitalism – big corporate and wealthy individuals – are being found engaging in corruption and dubious business practices that seek to prioritise profit at the expense of society. In a society so polarised by the ongoing consequences of its history, this only feeds into the growing sense of resentment that the general public has against those seen to have economic power.

In this form of capitalism, business has the imperative of maximising internal wealth and doing little to advance society. Inevitably, it falls upon government and regulators to put in place guidelines to keep capitalism in check. Such guidelines range from compulsory regulations – workplace safety standards for example – to optional ones such as corporate social responsibility [and undoubtedly land expropriation legislation]. And yet even such interventions have failed to bend the arc of capitalism towards something more equitable and reflective of a shared prosperity. Partly because even when complying with guidelines, the primary focus of business remains profit.

Central to the overcoming of this Black immense poverty, inequality and unemployment versus the extreme wealth of a selective minority inside South Africa’s failed moral economy, stands the message of Barack Obama which he presented on the 17thJuly 2018 at the Nelson Mandela Annual Lecture during the centenary celebrations in Johannesburg: A message for the propagandists fully in line with that of Cyril Ramaphosa’s reflecting as inclusive capital, his intended land expropriation as the best way for the rich to help to create a more equal society here.98,147148 Joffe148, in perspective on this message of Obama (and indirectly also thus that of Ramaphosa), writes148:10:

His call was for an inclusive, market based economy and, essentially, for an ethical [moral] capitalism. In South Africa the debate is, understandably, often about transformation in the racial sense, but Obama’s comments should prompt us to think more globally and innovatively about the kind of inclusive, ethical capital he urged. Crucially, first, he didn’t suggest the rich shouldn’t be rich – but rather questioned, in a gentle sort of way, how much money they really needed, and urged them to give some of it away.

In the sequential Article Six (entitled: “The propagandists arguments, opinions and viewpoints for changing Section 25 (2)(b) of the South African Constitution to make land redistribution without compensation possible: Part 2”), the various other contaminated elements and role-players (as already described in this Part 1), which form, support and drive the age old injustice and discriminative White political and socio-economic system, will be described further in-depth and comprehensively evaluated.

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Not commissioned; externally peer-reviewed.


The author has no competing interests to declare.


The research was funded by the Focus Area Social Transformation, Faculty of Humanities, Potchefstroom Campus, North-West University, South Africa.


Please note that I, the author, am aware that the words Creole, Bantu, Kaffir, Native, Hottentot and Bushman are no longer suitable terms and are inappropriate (even criminal) for use in general speech and writing in South Africa. (Even the words non-White and White are becoming controversial in the South African context). These terms do appear in dated documents. These terms or translations are used for the sake of historical accuracy in this article. Their use is unavoidable within this context. It is important to retain their use in this article in order to reflect the racist thought, speech and writings of as recently as sixty years ago. These names form part of a collection of degrading names commonly used in historical writings during the heyday of apartheid and the British imperial time. In reflecting upon the leaders and regimes of the past, it is important to foreground the racism, dehumanisation and distancing involved by showing the language used to suppress and oppress. It also helps us to place leaders and their sentiments on a continuum of racism. These negative names do not represent my views and I distance myself from the use of such language for speaking and writing. In my other research on the South African populations and political history, I use Blacks, Whites, Xhosa, Zulu, Afrikaners, Coloureds, KhoiSan (Bushmen), KhoiKhoi (Hottentots) and Boers as applicable historically descriptive names.